INVESTIGATION OF
UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES IN THE UNITED STATES
HEARINGS BEFORE A
SPECIAL COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
SEVENTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS
FIRST SESSION ON
H. Res. 282
TO
INVESTIGATE (1) THE EXTENT, CHARACTER, AND OBJECTS OF UN-AMERICAN
PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES IN THE UNITED STATES, (2) THE DIFFUSION WITHIN
THE UNITED STATES OF SUBVERSIVE AND UN-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA THAT IS
INSTIGATED FROM FOREIGN COUNTRIES OR OF A DOMESTIC ORIGIN AND ATTACKS
THE PRINCIPLE OF THE FORM OF GOVERNMENT AS GUARANTEED BY OUR
CONSTITUTION, AND (3) ALL OTHER QUESTIONS IN RELATION THERETO THAT
WOULD AID CONGRESS IN ANY NECESSARY REMEDIAL LEGISLATION
APPENDIX VI
REPORT ON JAPANESE
ACTIVITIES
Printed for the use
of the Special Committee on Un-American Activities
UNITED STATES
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
WASHINGTON : 1942
SPECIAL COMMITTEE
ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES
Washington, D. C.
MARTIN DIES, Texas, Chairman
JOE STARNES, Alabama
HARRY P. BEAM, Illinois
JERRY VOORHIS, California
NOAH M. MASON, Illinois
JOSEPH E. CASEY, Massachusetts
J. PARNELL THOMAS, New Jersey
ROBERT E. STRIPLING, Chief
Investigator
J. B. MATTHEWS, Director
of Research
CONTENTS
REPORT ON JAPANESE
ACTIVITIES
More than a year ago, the Special Committee on Un-American Activities
began an intensive investigation of Japanese propaganda and espionage
in the United States. In order to gain access to important material
which was locked up in the Japanese language, the committee retained
investigators and informers who were acquainted with the Nipponese
tongue.
Material already in the possession of the committee revealed certain
facts which constituted the basis of the committee's decision to make a
more thorough investigation of Japanese activities than it had hitherto
undertaken. These facts may be briefly summarized, as follows:
(1) When the committee seized the files of the Transocean News Service,
it obtained correspondence between Nazi and Japanese agents which
revealed the Axis strategy of Japan's engaging the United States in the
Pacific area in order to divert from the Atlantic war zone the
ever-increasing supplies which the United States was furnishing the
British under the terms of lend-lease. This correspondence was
published in the committee's report (issued in November 1940) on the
activities of the Transocean News Service.
(2) Japan had become a full-fledged Axis partner in 1940. This was
tantamount to an announcement that Japan would eventually, at whatever
moment the Axis considered most strategic, enter the war as a full
military partner of the Nazis.
(3) Japan had long ago announced her own imperialistic ambitions, with
the frank recognition that these ambitions were absolutely incompatible
with the interests of the United States in the Pacific area. In the
well-publicized Tanaka
Memorial, submitted to the Japanese Emperor in
1927, Japan had declared bluntly: ''We must first crush the United
States."
(4) The foregoing facts added up to make the Japanese residents of
California, Hawaii, the Philippine Islands, and the Panama Canal region
a menacing fifth column in the Territories of the United States.
The committee proceeded with its wholly inadequate staff and limited
funds to employ special investigators to probe as deeply as possible
into the activities of the Japanese.
By August 1941 the committee had assembled a large amount of evidence
which more than confirmed the suspicions which it had entertained on
the basis of surface appearances. This evidence made it unmistakably
clear that certain conclusions were unavoidable. These conclusions were
as follows:
(1) The Japanese Government contemplated an early attack upon the
United States, and specifically included Pearl Harbor as a major
objective. The proof of this was generally available, as will appear in
section I.
(2) The Japanese had a map showing in great detail fleet positions and
battle formations of the United States Navy around Pearl Harbor. This
map also included vital military information on the Panama Canal and
the Philippine Islands. The map
is reproduced between pages 1741 and
1742.
(3) The Japanese were in possession of the most detailed information
concerning all the naval craft of the United States. The committee
obtained a copy of the document establishing this fact.
(4) The Japanese Government was relying upon its expatriated citizens
in California, Hawaii, the Philippines, and the Panama Canal region, as
well as upon American-born Japanese, to serve as a fifth column.
(5) A former attaché of the Japanese Consulate in Honolulu was prepared
to testify that an elaborately organized fifth column of Japanese was
being drilled for collaboration with the armed forces of Japan when the
latter should attack Pearl Harbor.
(6) The Japanese Government was using front organizations in this
country for the compiling of an elaborate census of Japanese residing
in the United States.
(7) Japanese espionage in the Territories of the United States was
widespread and most alarming in character.
(8) The Japanese Government was hypocritically going through the
motions of diplomatic negotiations with the United States Government,
without entertaining the slightest thought that the problems of the
Pacific were susceptible of amicable adjustment.
(9) The Japanese Government was irrevocably committed as a military
ally of the Third Reich, and was awaiting only the orders of Hitler
before striking. The two Governments were in closest collaboration.
(10) The Nazis were schooling the Japanese in all the elaborately
developed techniques of espionage and fifth-column activity, employed
so successfully by the Nazis themselves in France, Norway, Holland, and
Belgium, in order that the Japanese might use these techniques in the
Territories of the United States.
(11) Japanese fishing vessels on our west coast, as well as in Hawaii
and the Philippine Islands, were an important arm of the espionage and
fifth-column department of the Japanese Government.
(12) A police officer on Terminal Island was prepared to testify that
numerous conferences had been held between officers of the Imperial
Japanese Navy and Japanese residents on the island.
(13) Japanese-language schools in California and in Hawaii were
inculcating traitorous attitudes toward the United States in the minds
of American-born Japanese (citizens of the United States), and these
language schools were becoming an ever more important arm of Japanese
espionage for Japanese citizens residing in the Territories of the
United States.
(14) Japanese civic organizations in the United States, such as the
Central Japanese Association, were loudly pretending their loyalty
toward the United States Government while surreptitiously serving the
deified Emperor of Japan.
(15) Japanese residing in the United States were raising large sums of
money which were being sent to Japan for the Empire's war chest to be
used for purchasing bombers. Civic organizations such as the Central
Japanese Association were used by the Japanese Government for
collecting these funds.
(16) In California there were Japanese veterans' organizations composed
of men with military training and experience who vowed allegiance only
to the Japanese Emperor whether their members were American or Japanese
born.
(17) Hundreds of Japanese residing in the United States, including
those who are citizens of this country, had been decorated by the
Japanese Emperor.
(18) Japanese treaty merchants, abusing the hospitality of the United
States and using their merchant status as a subterfuge, were engaged in
espionage activities for the Japanese Government.
(19) The question of the dual citizenship of American-born Japanese had
become increasingly grave as the Japanese Government was planning for
the moment to strike against the Territories of the United States.
(20) Japanese in California were occupying tracts of land which were
militarily but not agriculturally useful.
(21) Japanese had taken up residence adjacent to highly important
defense plants, and were especially concentrated on Terminal Island in
the harbor of Los Angeles.
(22) Having failed through diplomatic channels to obtain important
information concerning the water-supply system and other public utility
services of Los Angeles, Japanese had obtained employment in these
places where they were in a position to do incalculable fifth-column
damage.
(23) The Japanese Government was engaged in flooding the United States
with printed Axis propaganda for distribution among Japanese in this
country.
(24) Several maps containing highly important military information,
such as the location of the airports of California, were obtained from
Japanese sources.
(25) Japanese were in possession of aerial photographs of every
important city on the west coast, as well as of the vital Gatun locks
in the Panama Canal.
(26) Japanese religious institutions, Shintoism, Buddhism, and Bushido
were being used in the Territories of the United States as fifth-column
instruments for the coming attack on the United States.
(27) Finally, it was apparent from all the evidence in hand that the
hour was rapidly approaching when the next step in the timetable of the
Tanaka Memorial was about to be taken, namely the effort of the
Japanese Government to "crush the United States."
Having assembled a vast quantity of documentary evidence to establish
the foregoing facts, and having found witnesses who would testify in
support of these conclusions, the committee was of the belief that the
time had arrived to arouse the whole American people into a sense of
the impending crisis. The committee accordingly made arrangements for
52 witnesses to proceed to Washington for public hearings early in
September 1941.
Among these 52 witnesses called by the committee, were the following: A
number of fishermen who had fished up and down the Pacific coast from
Alaska to Panama ; Terminal Island police officers; Japanese leaders
and a number of Nisei (American-born Japanese), a group which would
have been compelled to testify in the utmost secrecy, but whose
testimony was to have been made public; a Federal judge who had made a
complete study of Japanese evasions of American laws; and a former
attaché of the Japanese consulate in Honolulu.
Before proceeding to actual hearings, the chairman of the Special
Committee on Un-American Activities addressed a communication to the
Attorney General for the purpose of ascertaining whether or not such
hearings would be satisfactory from the standpoint of the
administration's plans as they related to the Japanese.
In response to the chairman's inquiry, the Acting Attorney General sent
the following reply, a photographic reproduction of which appears on
the opposite page:
Office
of the Attorney General,
Washington, D. C,
September 8, 1941.
Hon. Martin Dies,
House of
Representatives, Washington, D. C.
My dear Mr. Congressman: In your letter of August 27, 1941, addressed
to the Attorney General, you stated that if the Attorney General had
no objection, you would suggest to your committee the advisability of
conducting public hearings to receive evidence regarding Japanese
activities in the United States.
The Attorney General has discussed the
situation with the President and the Secretary of State, both of whom
feel quite strongly that hearings such as you contemplate would be
inadvisable. The Attorney General is of the same opinion, and
accordingly, is unable to approve the course which you have in mind.
Sincerely yours,
Matthew F. McGuire,
Acting Attorney
General.
EXHIBIT NO. 1
In deference to the opinions of these high Government personages, who
were primarily responsible for the conduct of our foreign relations,
the committee abandoned its plans for the public hearings.
However, the committee's evidence was made available to the appropriate
agencies of our Government. The Military Intelligence has gone over all
of it.
With the firm conviction that much of its evidence may yet be used to
important educational advantage since the people of this country have
yet much to learn on the operations of the fifth column in the United
States, and with undisguised fear that our west coast and the Panama
Canal are still in the gravest peril from Japanese, espionage and
Japanese attack, the committee now presents a part of the evidence
which it had compiled prior to December 7, 1941.
II
Throughout the summer of 1941, when the committee's findings were
taking shape, the chairman of the Special Committee on Un-American
Activities made available to the press of the country certain portions
of the committee's evidence in the hope that this evidence would serve
as a warning to the country at large even before the committee would be
able to hold extensive hearings on Japanese espionage.
On July 5, 1941, the following story appeared in the Los Angeles
Evening Herald and Express:
DIES GROUP TO PROBE
ESPIONAGE ON COAST
Washington, July 5. -- The Dies committee will launch a series of
public hearings in the near future which will include a searching
inquiry into activity of alleged Japanese espionage organizations on
the Pacific coast, it was
disclosed today.
Committee plans also call for issuance of a Fascist book, describing
activity of Fascist organizations in the United States, and hearings
upon Communist and Nazi penetration of labor unions.
An important public hearing, the nature of which is being kept secret,
is planned in New York. Another hearing is scheduled to be held in
Philadelphia. The proposed public inquiry into Japanese activities on
the Pacific coast will follow a long secret investigation by a corps of
committee investigators. They have submitted reports, it was learned,
asserting that many Japanese societies are under control of Japanese
propaganda agencies and are actively engaged in promoting interests of
the foreign power.
The inquiry, it is understood, will deal with activities of Japanese
fishing fleets on the Pacific coast, long a bone of contention, with
California congressional representatives openly asserting that agents
on the boat are engaged in spying activities.
On July 6, 1941, the following story appeared in the Los Angeles
Examiner:
JAPANESE SPYING
FACES DIES QUIZ -- COAST FISHING FLEET CALLED COVER FOR
NAVY PLOT
Washington, July 5. -- (I. N. S.). -- Amid signs of gathering war
clouds in the far Pacific, the Dies committee tonight announced a
searching inquiry would be opened shortly into alleged espionage
activities of Japanese agents on the west coast of the United States.
While secretive about the two public hearings scheduled for New York
and Philadelphia, the Dies committee readily admitted today that
emphasis will be placed at the Washington hearing on Japanese
activities on the Pacific coast.
LINKED TO NAVY
According to investigators who have been rounding up the evidence for
many weeks, Japanese fishing fleets, long a bone of contention on the
west coast, are cover-ups for espionage work and manned by Reserve
officers of the Imperial Navy.
Several California Congressmen will take the stand at the hearing, said
committee members, and will testify that the fishing fleets are engaged
in spying activities.
The committee investigators said they will also reveal at the hearing
that the thousands of Japanese on the west coast are under the direct
domination of Japan and cooperating fully with their mother country in
fifth column spy and traitor activities.
The Nipponese, said the Dies agents, do not stir up internal trouble
like the Nazis and Communists, but operate entirely as spies, and send
important military and State information to Japan.
1,000 BOATS IN FLEET
The innocuous Japanese fishing fleet of some 1,000 boats, the Committee
on Un-American Activities stated, has been locating certain strategic
naval operations and could cause serious trouble if Japan and the
United States severed relations.
The committee asserts this fleet is ready to dynamite and bomb when and
if the order comes from the Imperial Navy.
Asserting that Communist activity in this country has speeded up its
tempo and redoubled its efforts since outbreak of the Soviet-Nazi war,
the committee will also continue hearings on allegedly Red
organizations. Future hearings, the committee said, will inquire
further into the American Peace Mobilization, which picketed the White
House up until the outbreak of the Russian war and then dropped quickly
from sight.
BORING FROM WITHIN
Sensational new testimony at the Philadelphia hearing, said the
investigators, will reveal deeper penetration of Nazis and Communists
into the ranks of American labor unions and defense industries.
In the giant Washington round-up of un-American activities the Dies
hearing plans also call for the issuance of a "Fascist book" which will
list all Fascist organizations, members, and their positions.
According to the specially picked corps of Dies agents, who have just
completed a lengthy tour of secret investigations, the United States is
literally pockmarked with foreign agents promoting the Axis and
Communist interests. Japanese companies and societies, they claim, are
working actively for foreign powers under the commands of the Japanese
Government, and Nazis, Communists, and Fascists have increased their
membership and their espionage to a highly dangerous degree.
On July 22, 1941, the following story appeared in the Los Angeles
Evening Herald and Express:
JAPAN AIDES FACE
PROBE BY DIES
[By International News Service]
Washington, July 22. -- Dies committee investigators today declared
that they have gathered "sensational evidence" regarding asserted
propaganda and other un-American activities of Japanese consular
agencies in this country.
This evidence, they said, will be made public
soon when general hearings on alleged Japanese espionage are started.
Although it was previously announced that evidence is in hand regarding
Japanese activities on the west coast, this was the first intimation
that consular agencies were involved.
It was recalled that the committee previously uncovered similar
evidence about German and Italian consular agencies in this country.
This was withheld from the public for many months pending a State
Department check. It ultimately resulted in the German and Italian
consuls being ordered out of the country.
Although he declined to disclose the nature of the evidence,
Representative Dies, Democrat of Texas, chairman of the committee said
that "German, Italian and Japanese consulates have been a focal point
of subversive activities in America."
"These people, under the cloak of diplomatic immunity, have been
carrying on work inimical to the welfare of the United States," Dies
added. "It is time we had a showdown on all phases of the question."
On July 23, 1941, the following story appeared in the Los Angeles
Examiner:
DIES CHARGES TOKYO
AIDES WITH SABOTAGE -- PROBER SAYS EVIDENCE WILL BE
PRESENTED SOON; SENATE VOTES CIVILIAN NAVY BASE GUARDS
(By Lee Rashall, staff correspondent, International News Service)
Washington, July 22. -- Chairman Dies (Democrat), Texas, of the
Special Committee on Un-American Activities, declared tonight he will
soon call for expulsion from the United States of all Japanese consuls.
The Dies bombshell coincided with revelation in the Senate by Senator
Walsh (Democrat), Massachusetts, chairman of the Naval Affairs
Committee, that there are evidences of "widespread sabotage" throughout
the Nation's naval shore establishments.
GUARDS VOTED
Over sharp objections that it would mean an "OGPU" for America, the
Senate heeded warnings by Walsh, drawn from his confidential files, and
passed, 41 to 14, a bill providing $1,000,000 to establish a large
civilian police guard for all naval shore establishments.
Dies plans early presentation of evidence to prove that the Japanese
consular agencies are guilty of anti-American espionage. He said the
data would "leave no other course open to this Government" than to give
the consuls their walking papers.
WILL PUBLISH DATA
The chairman said his committee will make public, through open
hearings, 'spectacular evidence" regarding consuls of the Far Eastern
Axis partner, and, indicating their activities have centered on the
Pacific coast, announced 20 witnesses will be subpoenaed from
California.
"It is now time for a showdown on Japanese spy activities in this
country," Dies said. "This Government has recently expelled the
consular agents of Germany and Italy. After the Government learns what
we anticipate will be shown, I cannot see how it can elect any other
course than to expel the consuls of Japan also."
Expulsion of German and Italian consuls, now en route to their
homelands across the Atlantic, was based upon evidence they were
engaged in subversive activities inimical to this country.
Although Dies had earlier revealed he had evidence concerning Japanese
espionage, he had not previously disclosed that the consuls themselves
were involved in it.
Any expulsion of these agents would have to be ordered by the State
Department, which presumably will not be consulted by the committee
until following the hearings.
Dies would not detail his data, but he said the committee has long been
"reasonably sure" that the consulates of Germany, Italy, and Japan were
working jointly in propagandistic and spying activities in this country.
On July 31, 1941, the following story appeared in the Los Angeles Daily
News:
(NOTE. -- This article is reproduced to show the skepticism voiced by
certain publications concerning the Japanese prior to Pearl Harbor.)
DIES RAISES A JAP
BOGEY OFF COAST
Hair-raising tales of how Japanese naval reservists hold torpedo
drills, complete with Rising Sun flags just outside the 3-mile limit
off San Pedro, were told today by guess who?
Yep, Congressman Martin Dies, (Democrat), who hasn't been much in the
public prints since he ran fourth in the recent Texas Senatorial
election.
Dies said he has a witness, formerly attached to the Japanese consulate
at Hawaii who sat in on secret meetings at Terminal Island, where
elaborate sabotage operations were planned.
The chairman of the House Committee Investigating Un-American
Activities said today he had temporarily postponed public hearings on
this matter to give the Department of Justice a chance to act.
But if the Federal Bureau of Investigation doesn't swoop swift and
soon, said Dies, "the American people will get the facts."
These include the often-published reports that fishing boats manned by
Japanese are convertible into torpedo boats. Dies said. Such boats, he
added, are the ones his man saw at drill practice.
Informed of the Congressman's press release, local Federal Bureau of
Investigation officials had no comment.
A spokesman for the naval intelligence office here said the harbor was
all secure with everything under control.
He added that the Navy and Coast Guard were maintaining a stringent
patrol at least 60 miles out, and that the navy's neutrality patrol was
effective considerably beyond the Hawaiian islands.
On August 1, 1941, the following story appeared in the Los Angeles
Examiner:
DIES BARES JAPAN
PLOT -- NIPPON FISHING BOATS INVOLVED IN WAR PLOT --
DIES CHARGES SCHEME TO BLOW UP LOS ANGELES HARBOR DEFENSES -- PROBE
LAUNCHED BY G-MEN
Washington, July 31. -- (INS) -- Chairman Dies (Democrat, Texas) of the
House Un-American Activities Committee, announced today that his agents
have uncovered "a gigantic sabotage plot by the Japanese in California."
Dies said he had evidence that Japanese officers and operators of
fishing boats had entered into the plot, which he said had been
discussed by them at Terminal Island, Los Angeles Harbor, Calif.
"We have witnesses who actually participated in discussions of
proposals to convert Japanese fishing boats into torpedo ships and to
get ready to blow up defense installations on the west coast," Dies
declared.
AWAITS F. B. I.
PROBE
The Texan said, however, that his committee would hold off in making
details public "until the Federal Bureau of Investigation has a chance
to clean up the matter."
Dies said that his principal witness is a former attaché of the
Japanese consulate in Hawaii. He refused to name this individual,
however, who, he said, "says he is acting now through his loyalty to
the United States."
Japanese fishing boats operate from Terminal Island and a series of
conferences have taken place between Japanese officials and the boat
operators, Dies declared.
DEMANDS DEPORTATIONS
"We have many witnesses who have actually seen the things, ready to
swear that there have been regular communications between Japanese
officials and the boatmen, that these boats are designed so that they
are readily convertible into torpedo ships, and that when they got out
to sea they often hoist the Japanese flag and hold military drills
aboard," he said.
Dies also demanded that steps be taken by this county to deport between
3,000 and 4,000 Japanese commercial agents and some 1,800 students
which he says are in this country.
He also asked that Japanese seamen be rounded up in the same way as
German and Italian seamen.
On August 1, 1941, the following story appeared in the Los Angeles
Times:
DIES DISCLOSES
SABOTAGE PLOT -- TERMINAL ISLE CENTER OF JAPANESE RING
HEADED BY NAVY OFFICERS, F. B. I. TOLD
Washington, July 31 (U. P.) -- Chairman Martin Dies (Democrat), Texas,,
of the House Committee on Un-American Activities, said today his
investigators have uncovered sensational evidence of an elaborate
sabotage plot by Japanese agents on the west coast.
He said the evidence was obtained from a former attaché of the Japanese
consulate in Hawaii who has attended secret meetings of the sabotage
ring at Terminal Island, off Los Angeles, home of some 5,000 Japanese
and site of a vast United States gasoline depot.
The evidence has been turned over to the Justice Department for
prosecution of the ring's members. Dies said, but unless the Department
acts promptly, he will order public hearings "so the American people
can get the facts."
He said committee investigators were told that Japanese naval officers
at Terminal Island are cooperating with Japanese fishermen in the area
"whose craft are built for easy conversion into torpedo boats." Many of
these craft, he added, frequently sail out beyond the 3-mile limit,
hoist the Japanese flag "and hold naval drill practice."
Dies said he favored a round-up of all Japanese seamen in this country
in order to restrict their activities.
FEDERAL BUREAU OF
INVESTIGATION AGENTS HERE SILENT ON DIES REPORT
Agents at the Federal Bureau of Investigation field office in Los
Angeles had "no comment" on the statement from Washington yesterday by
Representative Martin Dies that his committee had uncovered evidence of
an elaborate Japanese sabotage plot on Terminal Island and along the
Pacific coast.
One of the agents asked that the dispatch be read to him over the
telephone. "We have no comment to make," he said.
On December 8, 1941, the following story appeared in the Los Angeles
Examiner:
DIES URGES SPEEDY
ACTION AGAINST JAPANESE, NAZIS
"We are going to face serious trouble," Dies said, "unless we clean up
this whole situation at once. The Japanese and Nazis in this country
have been working in very close collaboration. We should proceed
immediately not only to round up the Japanese aliens known to be
potential saboteurs, but also should clean out the Nazis from our
defense industries.
"The Nazis have followed a policy of placing German nationals or Nazi
sympathizers in defense industries, particularly technical experts and
mechanics. There are a great many members of the German-American Bund
and other Nazi organizations scattered through the aircraft and other
defense plants."
Dies pointed out that there are 155,000 Japanese residents in the
United States of whom 105,000 are in the Pacific coast area. Also,
there are about 1,800 Japanese students, whom he said, he was convinced
had been sent to the United States to obtain secret information for the
Japanese Government. These students, he said, are working through
Japanese consular agents. The consular agents, he declared, have been
very active in espionage work, as disclosed by evidence gathered by
Dies committee investigators.
SECTION
I
JAPAN'S ADVANCE
WARNINGS TO THE UNITED STATES
I
On July 25, 1927, Gen. Baron Giichi Tanaka, Premier of Japan, submitted
to the Emperor a plan for Japanese world conquest. The memorandum has
come to be known as the Tanaka Memorial. Its authenticity is beyond
dispute.
"We must first crush the United States," wrote Tanaka in his
memorandum. According to the timetable which the Japanese Premier laid
down in his plan of conquest, Manchuria was to be seized, China was to
be invaded, and then in order to consolidate the Japanese victories in
these Asiatic countries the United States was to be crushed.
The Tanaka Memorial has been aptly described as the Japanese "Mein
Kampf." It must be admitted that, to date, the Nipponese have carried
out the plans of the Tanaka Memorial with as much success as Hitler has
had in following the outlines of his more famous book.
For 15 years since the writing of the Tanaka Memorial, the Japanese
have geared their entire economy to the objectives which it announced.
The memorial left no reasonable doubt about the Japanese intentions to
strike at the Pacific possessions of the United States. It likewise
leaves no doubt about the intentions of the Japanese to attack yet
other Territories of the United States. The complete text of the Tanaka
Memorial
will be found on pages 1859-1977 of this volume.
{NOTE: The
authenticity of the Tanaka Memorial has been questioned, some claiming
it to
be a forgery. Nevertheless, it's historical importance is not
questionable, nor the corroborative documentation. During the Tokyo War
Crimes Trials, a number of mentions were made of the Tanaka Memorial by
Gen. Ching Teh-Chun (former mayor of Peiping, China); see this excerpt
from the IMTFE Summary of Trial Proceedings, Gen. Ching Teh-Chun re Tanaka Memorial, war preparations, Nanking:
"I saw the Chinese translation of the Tanaka Memorial. It does not matter very much whether Tanaka Memorial ever existed or not.
Even it may have been destroyed or it was not existed at all. But the
fact that Japan occupied Manchuria and then North China and then
greater part of China and then Pearl Harbor Incident still remain... I
cannot prove that it is a true [document], but at the same time I also
have no means to disprove it... If Tanaka Memorial was untrue, was cooked up, everything predicted in it has been carried out."}
|
II
Many Japanese leaders have spoken and written in support of the plans
of conquest set forth in the Tanaka Memorial since it was first
submitted to the Emperor in 1927.
For example, Lt. Gen. Kiyokatsu Sato wrote a book entitled
"Japanese-United States War Imminent" (Japanese title: "Nichi-Bei Sen
Chikashi"), in which he discussed in particular the importance of a
Japanese attack on Hawaii. This book has been in print for several
years. {NOTE: See this PDF file for an article from the Sunday Morning Star
(April 7, 1940 issue). Read also this LIFE magazine article from Dec. 22, 1941, entitled "The Great Pacific War" (PDF file).}
The Special Committee on Un-American Activities obtained a translation
of excerpts of the lieutenant general's book which read as follows:
The American people
have brought disgrace upon us Japanese who, with a
history of some 3,000 years, have never been subjected to any insult
from a foreign country.
No nation in the world respects honor to a higher degree than the
Japanese. Small wonder, then, that the Japanese treat the Americans as
their enemy. The two nations have not gone to war with each other, but
the Japanese cannot possibly bring themselves to regard the Americans
as their friends.
Some Japanese are inclined to think that Commodore Perry was a
benefactor to Japan on the ground that he opened the country to foreign
intercourse toward the end of the Tokugawa shogunate. This is an utter
mistake.
Perry did not come to these shores to form a friendship with this
country. According to the various documents he dispatched to his
Government, he had visited Japan with intent to occupy it.
It was the Americans who manifested considerable displeasure at Japan's
advance to East Asia. They have subjected us to manifold indignities.
When and where a Japanese-American war will be fought we cannot say. If
the United States of America carries out her traditional China policy
to a full extent, then she is bound to clash with Japan sooner or later
on the China question which is vital to the existence of this country.
We shall have to settle the question by force of arms, if diplomatic
negotiations fail.
This brings us to a consideration of a possible war with America. No
matter from what motives hostilities may come to be opened, or whether
we assume the offensive or the defensive, there can be no doubt that
Hawaii will be the most important strategic point in a war between
America and Japan.
Success or failure in the struggle for this strategic point will prove
a decisive factor in the war. With the Hawaiian Islands as her base of
operations, America could bomb Tokyo or Osaka without much difficulty,
provided she uses airplanes and airships of superior quality.
While Hawaii is an American possession, Japan would have to remain on
the defensive. But if, on the contrary, Japan occupies the islands, her
fleet would find itself in a position not only to assume the offensive,
but also to bomb the cities on the west coast of America.
In a war with America, therefore, we must at all costs, even with a
sacrifice of a few vessels, take possession of Hawaii. The distance
between Hawaii and the American continent is a little smaller than that
between the islands and Japan. This would mean that at the outbreak of
hostilities the American fleet or fleets of warships would be able to
get to the islands before the Japanese, insofar as both fleets have the
same speed. For this reason our navy must needs possess ships far
speedier than America.
If the main squadron of America were in the Hawaiian waters at the
outbreak of war, then a clash between the American and Japanese main
fleets would have to take place somewhere between the islands and
Yokohama. Should our navy emerge victorious from this battle, it would
be able to occupy Hawaii, and its subsequent operations would be
facilitated.
The opposite result of this battle would compel the Japanese Navy to
remain on the defensive and would render its operations extremely
difficult. The great thing is, therefore, for Japan to see that
hostilities are opened before the main strength of the American Fleet
is brought to Hawaii and that her naval operations take place with
lightning speed.
The struggle for Hawaii thus constitutes the first stage of a
Japanese-American war. On the assumption that Hawaii was captured by
our navy, the Japanese forces would undertake, as the next step, the
task of destroying the Panama Canal and the main squadron of America.
If the Japanese Navy succeeded in crushing the American Fleet in the
Pacific, landing on the Pacific coast of America would become easy.
At the same time the Panama Canal must be destroyed, as the maintenance
of traffic through it would facilitate replenishment of the American
Navy.
Attacks should be made on the Canal by an effective air fleet. The
destruction of the Canal and the American Fleet would literally be half
the battle. Thus would end the second period of the war.
The third period would begin with a landing of Japanese forces on the
western coast of the American continent and the work of destroying the
cities and naval ports on the west coast.
The next course would be to form the main line of defense along the
Rocky Mountains, so that our military troops might be massed in the
occupied areas along the coast.
Preparations made west of the Rockies, our army would now take the
offensive and advance toward the east coast. This would usher in the
fourth and the last period of the war.
Each period would probably last several years; the third and the fourth
periods would last the longest. Thus the war would last at least 4 or 5
years; it might even drag out to last several score years. If and when
Japan, forestalled by America, finds it impossible to occupy Hawaii,
her navy would see the wisdom of deferring a decisive battle with the
American ships till full preparations are completed.
Meanwhile, our coast might be subjected to bombardment and the main
cities to attacks from the air. Our army would have to defend the coast
facing the Pacific and stave off the enemy's landing, while our
flotillas of destroyers and submarines would watch for an opportunity
of attacking the enemy's capital ships.
When thoroughly ready, our main squadron would go forth and battle
decisively with the enemy's. A victory for the Japanese Navy would
naturally be followed by the capture of Hawaii and other operations, as
described before.
Whether Japan acts on the offensive or on the defensive, a war with
America would certainly be a protracted one involving much sacrifice
and demanding the united efforts and indomitable perseverance of the
nation as a whole.
During the Meiji era Japan fought China on the Korean question and
Russia on the Manchurian question. And now it looks as though she were
going to fight America on the China question. Such seems to be the fate
to which this country is predestinated.
The China question is, as already said, a question of life and death to
us. Japan can no longer remain "cabined, cribbed, and confined," as of
yore, within her island empire. She needs expansion to the Asiatic
continent, which is her "life line."
It is a luxury for America to exercise capitalistic imperialism in
China and to attempt to bring that vast territory under her economic
domination.
America still has vast areas in her own territory that have to be
brought under cultivation. She has considerable quantities of natural
resources still to be developed.
She has Canada to her north and Mexico, Brazil, and Argentina to her
south, where she can find markets for her goods.
Why should America, then, attempt to practice imperialism on a
continent some 5,000 miles distant, across the Pacific, from her own?
III
Early in 1941, the committee came into possession of a so-called
strategic map which gave clear proof of the intentions of the Japanese
to make an assault on Pearl Harbor.
(The following double page insert -- Exhibit No. 2 -- is a reproduction
of the strategic map.)
EXHIBIT NO. 2
{NOTE: Click on image to enlarge. Resolution is limited due to quality
of the original document. Literal
translation of this map: "Japan Imperial General Staff Headquarters:
Map of World Operations Plan for the Invasion of
Manchuria
and
Mongolia." The "LEGENDS" box reads as follows:
Japanese Naval
Movement -- Enemies Naval Movement -- Japanese Army Movement -- Enemies
Army Movement -- Japanese Army -- Enemies Army -- Japan's Naval Sphere
of Influence.}
The strategic map was prepared by the Japanese Imperial Military
Intelligence Department with a detailed plan of Japan's proposed
conquest of the Far East and Hawaiian Islands.
This map is but another evidence of Japan's aggressiveness and her
desire for world conquest. In the late Tanaka Memorial of July 25,
1927, to the Emperor of Japan, Premier Tanaka said, under the item of
"General Policy":
* * * Japan cannot
remove the difficulties in Eastern Asia unless she
adopts a policy of blood and iron. But in carrying out this policy we
have to face the United States. * * * In the future if we want to
control China, we must first crush the United States just as in the
past we had to fight the Russo-Japanese War.
Again he said in the same Memorial, under the item ''The Necessity of
Changing the Organization of South Manchuria Railway":
with such large
amounts of iron and coal at our disposal we ought to be
self-sufficient for at least 70 years. We shall have to acquire the
secret for becoming the leading nation in the world. Thus strengthened,
we can conquer both the East and West.
Japanese have been wont to say that Japan planned to conquer the world
within 10 years after the Mukden Incident of September 18, 1931. The
occupation of Manchuria and Mongolia is a necessary step for conquest
of the Pacific. After North China has been acquired, the whole Pacific
area can be absolutely under her control. The next step is to take over
Guam, the Philippine and Hawaiian Islands, and even Hong Kong and India
are included in this scheme.
According to the strategic map, Japan has almost accomplished the first
part of her military conquest.
The strategic map shows that the line of the first conquest extends
from Karafuto to Shantung Province, including Manchuria and Mongolia.
It also shows that after she has accomplished the first step of this
military occupation in Korea, Manchuria, Mongolia, and Shantung
Province, she will have acquired a sufficient supply of material to
enable her to mobilize forces and extend her power to Chekiang and
Fukien Provinces, thus securing naval bases for future world conquest.
Once well settled in Manchuria and Mongolia, she has iron deposits,
estimated by Japanese experts at 1,200,000,000 tons; coal deposits,
2,500,000,000 tons; timber, 200,000,000 tons, which will last Japan 200
years, and many other resources, more than enough to enable Japan to
wage war with England and the United States. According to Japan's
military program, she will fight England in the north of the Philippine
Islands and drive the British out of Asia, thus securing Hong Kong for
the Japanese. A proposed naval battle between the United States and
Japan is to give the latter Hawaiian Islands, then the Philippines and
Guam must be under the control of Japan according to this military
program. This will enable, as Tanaka has said, the enlarged Japan to
become the leading nation of the world.
IV
Recently, the Japanese War Minister Araki published a signed article in
the Records of the Marchers Club, an influential monthly among the
Japanese reservists, under the title "Japan's Mission Under the Reign
of Showa" (present Emperor of Japan). This essay was divided into 10
chapters. The most outspoken words in it are:
The imperialism * *
* a product of the fusion of the spirit in which
our Nation was founded and the great vision of our people, stands in
urgent need of being proclaimed to the corners of the "four seas" and
established in this world.
Japan means to carry out such "imperialism," for according to General
Araki, "we must take decisive action to get rid of any obstacle in the
way, even resorting to force." Chapter VII reveals --
* * * This
great vision was defined when Emperor Jimmu * * * issued
the imperial proclamation of his ascension to the throne in Kashibara,
Yamato * * * after his conquest of the eastern barbarians. The
proclamation read: "To accept with regard to the past, the mission of
our ancestors to give life to the state and greatly to nourish and
increase with regard to the future. In accordance with our imperial
ancestors' ambitions, I now establish my capital to conquer the whole
world and embrace the whole universe as our state." Now to fulfill the
vision "to conquer the world and embrace the universe as our state" so
as to pacify the Emperor Jimmu's desire "greatly to nourish and
increase" has been our traditional policy * * * The Manchurian
incident, viewed in this light, has very great significance. Under the
direction of Heaven, Japan has put forward the first step.
Concluding Chapter VI, Araki remarks:
When we observe
carefully, no other country has a culture with the
spirit of our imperialism. Countries in eastern Asia are objects of the
white man's oppression. Awakened Japan, however, cannot allow this. If
actions of any of the powers are not conducive to our imperialism, our
blows shall
descend on that power. This is the mission of our imperialism * * *
"Once hostilities begin, our first move will be an attack upon the
Panama Canal. * * * We have submarines capable of traveling 10,000
miles without refueling. * * * The Midway Islands can be taken within 1
day; then we must attack Hawaii. * * *" These statements and many
others of the same tenor appear in a book published in Tokyo in October
1940 entitled "The Triple Alliance and the Japanese-American War" by
Kinoaki Matsuo. {NOTE: This book was translated by Kilsoo Haan and
published in April 1942 under the title "How
Japan Plans to Win." See this excerpt
of Chapters 11 and 12, and also the article from the Milwaukee Journal (Dec.
28, 1941 issue). For more on Haan's efforts, see this compilation of letters.
It should be noted that the primary source on this information here and
elsewhere in this report can be found in this News Research Service Newsletter
of July 16, 1941.}
In December 1940, a retired Japanese naval captain, Otojiro Endo, and a
retired Japanese Army major, Masichi Sugihara, visited Pacific Coast
States in America and held secret meetings with leaders of
Japanese-American citizens. Purpose of the tour was to inspire courage
among sabotage and espionage agents, and to recruit new men for the
Japanese-American Trojan horse brigade. In their discussions, frequent
use was made of the book, The Triple Alliance and the Japanese-American
War. A few copies of this volume were given out, only to the most
trusted leaders. The committee succeeded in obtaining one of these; a
translation was made, and even the most casual perusal suggests
immediately that this is a textbook for Japanese espionage.
The table of contents in itself is most revealing. Following are the
translated chapter headings and subtitles, as they appear in the table
of contents:
I. Crucial moment
for Japan and America:
(1) The China
incident and the United States.
(2) Pacific War -- A hard struggle.
(3) The Second World War and the United States.
(4) The United States and Canada.
II. Expansion of the American Fleet:
(1) Illusioned
America.
(2) Battleships in construction.
III. History of the Japanese-American struggle:
(1) The first
anti-Japanese question.
(2) United States, Japanese, and Manchurian conflict.
(3) Imperialistic foreign diplomacy of United States.
(4) Long-delayed destruction of London Conference.
IV. United States-Japan War inevitable:
(1) United
States-Japan friendship a delusion.
(2) Pacifists and the fear of the American question.
(3) United States-Japan War costs.
V. United States naval strength:
(1) United States
capital ships.
(2) United States cruisers.
(3) United States destroyers.
(4) United States aircraft carriers.
(5) United States submarines.
(6) United States naval bases.
(7) United States present military strength.
(8) United States naval developments.
VI. New United States weapons and mechanized units:
(1) New United
States weapons.
(2) Fear of chemical warfare.
VII. The great air force of the United States:
(1) Brief sketch of
United States Air Force.
(2) Present United States Air Force.
VIII. War plans of the United States:
(1) United States
plans for attack.
(2) United States plans attack on western Pacific.
IX. Immediate war versus prolonged war:
(1) Immediate
American war decision.
(2) Immediate Japanese war decision.
X. Time of conflict:
(1) Lightning
military movements.
XI. Japan's attack on the Philippine Islands:
(1) The Philippine
and Asiatic Fleet.
(2) Occupation of Guam by the Japanese Fleet.
XII. The fall of Manila:
(1) Japan's flag
hoisted in the Philippine Islands.
XIII. Fear of destruction of foreign trade:
(1) Japan plans
foreign trade destruction.
XIV. Singapore and Hong Kong:
(1) Problem of
Singapore Army base.
(2) What becomes of Hong Kong?
XV. The United States Fleet in Hawaii:
(1) Pacific battle
force and military strength.
(2) Entire fleet concentrates at Pearl Harbor.
XVI. Japan's surprise fleet:
(1) United States
plans for crossing the ocean.
(2) Activities of the surprise fleet.
XVII. American naval expedition to Japan.
(1) Japanese
expedition.
(2) Destruction of United States Fleet.
(3) Movement of Japan's fleet.
XVIII. United States Air Force attacks Japan:
(1) United States
bombing of Japanese cities.
(2) Defense against air attack.
XIX. United States-Japanese great battle in the Pacific:
(1) Attacks of
United States capital ships.
(2) Withdrawal of United States Fleet.
XX. Occupation of Hawaii and closing of Panama Canal:
(1) Japanese
occupation of Hawaii.
(2) Japanese closing of Panama Canal.
XXI. Japan-Germany-Italy alliance and the United States:
(1) Establishment of
the triple alliance.
(2) The meaning of the alliance.
THE JAPANESE
SURPRISE FLEET
Under that subtitle, the author of the book revealed Japan's plans to
employ long-range submarines on the American side of the Pacific, and
to take and use the Midway Islands as a submarine base:
Chapter 17, page 279.
-- In the future, our submarines must be able to
operate alone in the west Pacific; their ability to attack, and to make
long journeys, is vitally important. Submarines which can travel 10,000
miles could easily cross the Pacific. There are very small type subs
which could accomplish a lot on the American side of the Pacific.
Our navy will quickly occupy the Midway Islands, and a submarine base
will be established at once. It is only 1,160 miles to Hawaii, a very
convenient distance for our surprise fleet. To this surprise fleet
belong * * * mine layers of type * * * model 21. This type is capable
of carrying a heavy load of mines for distribution in American sea
routes of merchantmen and battleships. We can then strike the enemy
fleet at a most opportune time, and cut off communication lines as well
as merchantmen. [Editor's note: The number and type of mine layers are
not given in the original text.]
In discussing "Japanese Occupation of Hawaii," the book predicted that
a Japanese naval victory would be sufficient incentive for the Japanese
in Hawaii to immediately organize a volunteer army:
Chapter 21, pages 322-324.
-- In the Japanese occupation of Hawaii,
cooperation between army and navy is most important. The Midway Islands
must be taken before we attack Hawaii, for they would give us a good
foothold. It will be very easy to take Midway Islands, which
are
practically defenseless; in fact, it would require only about 1 day's
bombardment to take them.
In Hawaii, there are about 150,000 Japanese, one-half of whom are Nisei
(Japanese descendants of foreign citizenship). Once the news of
Japanese naval victories reaches Hawaii, the Japanese there will
quickly organize a volunteer army. There is no doubt but that Hawaii
will come into our hands.
Of course, the Japanese strategists devoted much thought to the Panama
Canal. Under the subtitle, "Closing the Panama Canal," they said:
Chapter 21, pages 330-332.
-- The remaining question is: What will
become of the Panama Canal? Panama is a little over 4,600 knots from
Hawaii and about 8,000 knots from Japan, so an attack is not an easy
matter, and will require a considerable navy force. If, at the outbreak
of war, we proceed immediately to attack and close the Canal, we could
cut off the Atlantic from the Pacific. It would prove an invaluable
asset to our war strategy.
If the Panama Canal falls into Japanese possession and there is another
Japan-America war, the United States will certainly strike at Panama;
however, while Japan controls this area, the American Fleet will be
divided -- one part in the Pacific, the other in the Atlantic -- and
the two fleets cannot combine. American imperialism depends upon the
strength of her navy, for without it her imperialistic ambitions cannot
be realized. Once we control the Canal, we can enforce peace. Besides
this, it will bring to an end American threats against Mexico and all
other small nations in Central and South America.
Japanese possession of the Panama Canal has a direct bearing upon
future peace; therefore, by all means, Japan must take the Canal and
keep it even after the war. However, inasmuch as Panama is fortified,
it will not be easy to take.
The "Meaning of Triple Alliance" carried a threat as to what America
might expect as the result of a united attack from Japan, Germany, and
Italy:
Chapter 22, pages 350-351.
-- The purpose of the Berlin-Rome-Tokyo
alliance is to secure the best possible cooperation in dealing with all
kinds of military, political, and economic problems, and to assist one
another in the strongest sense of the word. Should America become
involved in the war, she would be subjected to a gigantic united attack
by Japan, Germany, and Italy.
Only the flag of the sun, which symbolizes our nation, would fly over
the Pacific. On the Atlantic, the swastika, which also symbolizes the
sun and life, will be active with might. In addition, the meaningful
flag of Italy would flash. In the face of all this, if America comes
against Japan and tries to block her, it would be no more than a pin
prick.
V
On October 26, 27, and 28, 1941, committee investigators and informers
learned some interesting facts during their rounds of Little Tokyo in
Los Angeles. Among other things, they obtained information which they
embodied in the following telegram which they sent to the committee in
Washington on October 30:
Have reliable
information that files of Board of Tourist Industries,
Japanese Government Railways, and Japan Tourist Bureau, Japanese
Government, and Domei News Service are being transferred to Japan on
Tatuta Maru
{Tatsuta Maru} scheduled to depart from San Francisco Sunday November
2.
Files are being handled in part by American Express Co. and will be
stored on San Francisco docks until departure of Tatuta Maru. Please
advise whether or not you desire us to subpoena the aforementioned
files.
The committee's investigators also learned that some 300 members of the
Japanese community, including such persons as the officials of the
Japan Tourist Bureau and the Domei News Service (both Japanese
Government agencies), were holding farewell parties preparatory to
their departure for Japan. They were scheduled to sail from San
Francisco on the liner Tatuta
Maru, on the November 30 sailing of that
Japanese vessel, and the committee's investigators so informed the
committee in Washington.
The taking of these extraordinary measures seemed to indicate that some
decisive step in Japanese-American relations was about to be taken by
the Japanese Government. It was on the basis of this assumption that
the committee's investigators sent their information to Washington.
Agencies of the executive branch of the United States Government were
in possession of the same information.
SECTION
II
JAPANESE NAVAL MAP
OF THE PACIFIC AREA
Long before Pearl Harbor, the Japanese had obtained possession of the
most detailed and secret information concerning American bases, the
American fleet, and other matters of the greatest strategic importance.
Thousands of Japanese citizens, as well as thousands of American-born
Japanese (Nisei), had traveled for years throughout the Pacific area
gathering bits of information here and bits of information there. These
agents of espionage forwarded this information through consulates and
by means of couriers to the headquarters of the Imperial Navy in Tokyo.
There it was assembled, analyzed, and given final comprehensive
interpretation for use in the coming attack upon the United States.
One highly significant compilation of such information was prepared in
the form of a map of the entire Pacific area. (A reproduction of this
map slightly reduced in size is inserted and folded opposite this page,
as exhibit No. 3.) This map in turn was placed in the hands of all
those who were to play a part in the coming war. Agents of the
committee obtained a copy of this map under extraordinarily difficult
circumstances. The committee's study of the map furnished convincing
proof of Japan's belligerent intentions. That study also provided a
clue to the Japanese strategy as it affected the places marked for
assault.
EXHIBIT NO. 3
{ NOTE: This map, entitled "Map of East Asia Pacific: Emergency National
Defense Summary," was published in Japan in 1935. See also this Sept. 7, 1940 Daily News article on military strengths and US strategy in the Pacific region. View this 1942 map of Japan's colonial expansion, naval battles, and sinkings on the West Coast.}
The large circle around the Hawaiian Islands indicates the radius of
the patrol of the United States Navy. The small insert maps at the
bottom of the large map are numbered. The numbers indicate the
following: (1) Guam, (2) Pearl Harbor, (3) Manila, (4) Hawaiian
Islands, (5) San Francisco Bay, (6) Panama in detail, (7) Panama City,
(8) Colon, and (9) the Panama Canal.
It will be observed that the first four of the foregoing places have
already been subjected to Japanese attack.
The map indicates the locations of United States air bases, mines, Army
and Navy bases, ocean cables, canals, railroads, and radio stations. It
also indicates the fleet positions and formations of the United States
naval vessels.
SECTION
III
A JAPANESE HANDBOOK
ON THE UNITED STATES NAVY
It is impossible to exaggerate the thoroughness with which the Japanese
had studied the detailed construction of every vessel in the United
States Navy. During the year before the attack on Pearl Harbor, the
Japanese Government had printed and circulated a handbook devoted
exclusively to the naval vessels of the United States. The circulation
of this 200-page book was naturally limited to those Japanese who were
in a position to serve Japan by the possession of this highly important
information. It was with great difficulty that the agents of the
committee were able to obtain a copy of the volume.
The covers and four pages from the book are reproduced in the exhibits
which follow.
Exhibit No. 4 is the front cover of this handbook.
Exhibit No. 5 is the back cover of the volume.
Exhibit No. 6 is a picture of the airplane carrier Saratoga.
Exhibit No. 7 is a picture of the cruiser Indianapolis
together with
sketches of its construction.
Exhibit No. 8 is a picture of the Nevada
together with sketches of its
construction.
Exhibit No. 9 is a picture of the airplane carrier Saratoga together
with sketches of its construction.
EXHIBIT NO. 4
EXHIBIT NO. 5
EXHIBIT NO. 6
EXHIBIT NO. 7
EXHIBIT NO. 8
EXHIBIT NO. 9
It was the committee's purpose to show in the proposed September
hearings something of the pains to which the Japanese Government had
gone to familiarize the members of the Imperial Japanese Navy, and
others who were to participate directly in the attack on the United
States, with the entire fleet of the United States Navy. Through
witnesses who were competent to testify on the subject, the committee
intended to reveal the extent and efficiency of the vast Japanese
espionage system which had been able to gather such strategic
information concerning the United States Navy and other matters vital
to the defense of this country.
The case of Commander Itaru Tatibana {Tachibana} and Torzichi
{Toraichi} Kono, Japanese
espionage agents, illustrates one of the Nipponese Government's methods
of obtaining important United States naval data. {NOTE: For more information on Tachibana, see IA153, IA021, IA120 and IA060.}
Tatibana was registered at the University of Southern California as a
student. Kono was for 18 years secretary and valet to Charlie Chaplin.
Working through an ex-yeoman of the United States Navy, Tatibana and
Kono obtained highly important and secret data on naval matters. During
the first half of 1941, this ex-yeoman of our Navy was financed by the
two Japanese espionage agents in making two trips to Pearl Harbor
where, by reason of his former connection with our Navy, he was able to
make contacts with men who were carrying out secretarial duties aboard
the U. S. S. Pennsylvania,
flagship of the United States Fleet. In this
way, the Nipponese spies were able to obtain and to communicate
important data to Tokyo.
In this Japanese handbook on the United States Navy, the photographs of
the various naval vessels of this country are usually accompanied by
detailed sketches representing both the horizontal and the
perpendicular view of the ship. Likewise in most cases the vessels were
actually photographed in such a way as to give both aerial and
horizontal views.
Proof that this handbook was an up-to-date publication is seen in the
fact that it contains detailed drawings of the battleships North
Carolina and Washington.
The book also contains a map of the United
States which marks the various Atlantic bases which this country
recently acquired from Great Britain in connection with the lend-lease
arrangements.
The sketches indicate the location of guns and the subsurface
compartments.
One of the most important uses to which this handbook was
put was the placing of it in the hands of Japanese fishermen up and
down our Pacific coast. By thoroughly familiarizing themselves with the
appearance and construction of every craft in the United States Navy,
these fishermen were able to communicate important information
concerning the movement of our warships to their superiors in the
Japanese espionage department.
SECTION
IV
TECHNIQUES FOR
JAPANESE ESPIONAGE
In February 1941, the Japanese Government made available to its agents
in the United States a collection of illustrations of spy techniques.
These were especially designed for the use of those who were engaged in
any kind of courier service for the Japanese military intelligence.
The Japanese espionage system has been far flung. Due to the special
psychology developed among the nationals of the totalitarian states,
hundreds or thousands of these nationals (as well as their sympathizers
of other nationality or citizenship) engage in the work of espionage,
especially in some of the less hazardous work of supplying information
to espionage headquarters. Japanese treaty merchants, Japanese
fisherman, Japanese tourists, Japanese students, and in fact members of
all categories of Japanese residing in the United States were
commandeered -- often on a non-remunerative basis -- into the work of
espionage.
It will be noted from the exhibits which follow (exhibits 10 to 39,
inclusive) that the Nazi espionage service was the probable origin of
these illustrations of spy techniques. While the accompanying
inscriptions are all in the Japanese language, the illustrations
themselves are in many cases easily identified as of Nazi origin.
This collection of illustrations for spy techniques, obtained by the
committee last year, is reproduced in the pages that follow in order
that some light may be thrown on the way in which a vast amount of
information has been transmitted by Japanese spies to their home
government.
EXHIBIT NO. 10
This is a woman's handbag with a secret compartment for concealing
documents. According to the Japanese inscription at the bottom, the
handbag is for the special use of women post-office workers. The
photograph above is of the interior of the handbag, and that below is
of the exterior.
EXHIBIT NO. 11
This is a photograph of a woman who has a code message concealed in a
necklace. In the picture at the right the bead which contains the code
message is held between the thumb and the forefinger.
EXHIBIT NO. 12
Here are photographed a woman spy and her daughter who carry on their
spy activities disguised as peasants.
EXHIBIT NO. 13
This is a photograph of Bernard Shaw's Devil's Disciple. Certain words
in the volume are underlined in invisible ink. According to the
Japanese inscription at the left, the spy must read page 45 of the book
in order to decipher the code message.
EXHIBIT NO. 14
This is a secret letter cover and a tobacco catalog used in
transmitting a code message.
EXHIBIT NO. 15
These are various views of a bar of chocolate which contains a secret
code message.
EXHIBIT NO. 16
Photographs of false teeth inside of which were concealed a code
message and a diamond finger ring. The ring was to be used as
remuneration for information obtained by the spy.
EXHIBIT NO. 17
A postage stamp in which notches have been cut as a key to the
understanding of the letter inside the envelope. According to the
Japanese inscription at the bottom, the letter was from an Italian spy
carrying on his activities in Austria.
EXHIBIT NO. 18
A cigarette case inside of which is carved a map showing strategic
points.
EXHIBIT NO. 19
A code message concealed in the tube of a specially constructed lead
pencil.
EXHIBIT NO. 20
A code message hidden inside a tube of toothpaste.
EXHIBIT NO. 21
A code message hidden inside the binding of a book carried by a spy.
EXHIBIT NO. 22
According the Japanese inscription at the bottom, this is a
reproduction of a picture postcard inside of which is concealed a code
message.
EXHIBIT NO. 23
According to the Japanese inscription at the bottom, this is a pair of
field glasses inside of which is concealed a miniature camera. With
this equipment, spies posing as tourists would be able to obtain
photographs from tall buildings and other vantage points.
EXHIBIT NO. 24
A message carried inside a pencil.
EXHIBIT NO. 25
According to the Japanese inscription at the bottom, this is a
phonograph record under whose center label is concealed vital
information obtained by a worker in a factory.
EXHIBIT NO. 26
A spy's message written in invisible ink across a newspaper
advertisement.
EXHIBIT NO. 27
A message placed underneath the name card in its leather holder to be
carried across the border.
EXHIBIT NO. 28
A specially constructed fountain pen with a compartment for secreting a
message. The picture at the right is intended to show that the pen is
indestructible even in the ruins of a city.
EXHIBIT NO. 29
A spy's message concealed on the lining of a necktie.
EXHIBIT NO. 30
A code message concealed underneath false teeth.
EXHIBIT NO. 31
According to the Japanese inscription at the left, this is a lady's
handkerchief in which the map of a strategic location is finely
embroidered.
EXHIBIT NO. 32
A code message placed inside a bar of soap.
EXHIBIT NO. 33
A match box underneath whose paper covering is concealed a spy's
message.
EXHIBIT NO. 34
These matches have been cut in irregular lengths. When placed on a
scale, they may be decoded to obtain a spy's message.
EXHIBIT NO. 35
A specially constructed bus with compartments in the top for carrying
messenger pigeons.
EXHIBIT NO. 36
According to the Japanese inscription at the bottom, this is a
messenger pigeon to which is attached a small camera for taking
pictures while in flight over fortifications and other strategic
objectives.
EXHIBIT NO. 37
A traveling basket for carrying a messenger pigeon.
EXHIBIT NO. 38
According to the Japanese inscription at the left, this is a balloon
equipped with small parachutes which hold baskets carrying messenger
pigeons. The balloonist releases the parachutes which are in turn
picked up by confederates who take out the pigeons and use them to send
messages back to base.
EXHIBIT NO. 39
Miniature parachutes for dropping pamphlets on enemy territory.
II
The Japanese Government has demonstrated a definite interest in the
water supply system of the city of Los Angeles. In this connection, it
should be pointed out that the city of Los Angeles, together with its
defense industries, is wholly dependent for its water supply on water
brought to the city by means of an aqueduct system.
On June 28, 1934, K. Kageyama, chancellor, consulate of Japan, 1151
South Broadway, Los Angeles, Calif., addressed a letter to Mr. H. A.
Van Norman, chief engineer and general manager, bureau of water works
and supply, 209 South Broadway, Los Angeles, Calif., requesting
detailed information on the Los Angeles water works system. (See
Exhibit No. 40.)
EXHIBIT NO. 40
On June 29, 1934, Mr. Van Norman addressed a letter to the United
States Department of Justice, Division of Investigation, P. O. Box 536,
Los Angeles, Calif., asking for advice as to furnishing the information
to Mr. Kageyama. (See Exhibit No. 41.)
EXHIBIT NO. 41
On July 6, 1934, Mr. J. E. P. Dunn, special agent in charge, United
States Department of Justice, Bureau of Investigation, Los Angeles,
Calif., acknowledged receipt of Mr. Van Norman's letter and stated that
the matter did not come within the jurisdiction of his office and
suggested that Mr. Van Norman communicate with the commanding officer,
Fort MacArthur, San Pedro, Calif. (See Exhibit No. 42.)
EXHIBIT NO. 42
On July 10, 1934, Mr. Van Norman addressed a letter to the commanding
officer, United States Army, Fort MacArthur, San Pedro, Calif., asking
for advice as to supplying the office of the consulate of Japan with
the requested data. (See Exhibit No. 43.)
EXHIBIT NO. 43
On July 11, 1934, Mr. Van Norman received a letter from Lt. Col. H. K.
Oldfield, Sixty-third Coast Artillery, commanding, Fort MacArthur,
San Pedro, in which he stated:
On this date I am
forwarding your letter, together with enclosure, to
the commanding general, Ninth Corps Area, Presidio of San Francisco,
requesting instructions. Pending receipt of such instructions I would
consider it extremely inadvisable to supply the data asked for. (See
Exhibit No. 44.)
EXHIBIT NO. 44
On July 17, 1934, Mr. Van Norman received another letter from Lt. Col.
H. R. Oldfield, in which he stated that he had received instructions to
the effect that the request of the Japanese consulate did not pertain
to the peacetime functions of the Regular Army and that, therefore,
military personnel were not in a position to advise the bureau of water
works and supply in the matter. Lieutenant Colonel Oldfield advised Mr.
Van Norman to contact the Bureau of Investigation, Department of
Justice. (See Exhibit No. 45.)
EXHIBIT NO. 45
Mr. Van Norman was right back where he started.
On January 12, 1942, Mr. Van Norman addressed a letter to Mr. R. B.
Hood, special agent in charge. Federal Bureau of Investigation, 510
South Spring Street, Los Angeles, Calif., in which he enclosed copies
of the aforementioned correspondence. (See Exhibit No. 46.)
EXHIBIT NO. 46
On January 14, 1942, Mr. Van Norman received an acknowledgment of his
letter to Mr. Hood. (See Exhibit No. 47.)
EXHIBIT NO. 47
Investigation has revealed that Mr. Van Norman did not furnish the
Japanese consulate with the information requested. The Japanese
consulate made further attempts from time to time over the telephone to
secure the desired information, but without success.
However, in the operation of their espionage system, the Japanese were
not easily discouraged. Working through the civil service commission,
Japanese were able to infiltrate Japanese-Americans into the department
of water and power. Kiyoshi P. Okura has for some time past been the
chief examiner of the Los Angeles Civil Service Commission. He is the
son of Momota Okura, who was the commandant of the Southern California
Imperial Veterans Association (Japanese) and an adviser for the Central
Japanese Association. Momota Okura was an alien Japanese, and being a
Japanese war veteran, was under the jurisdiction of the Japanese
Government. Momota Okura has been arrested by the Federal Bureau of
Investigation and is now being detained. So much for the background of
Kiyoshi P. Okura's father, Momota Okura.
Kiyoshi P. Okura was a director of social relations in the Southern
California Chamber of Commerce and Industry, a Japanese governmental
agency. In his official position as chief examiner of the Los Angeles
Civil Service Commission, he was helpful to Japanese-Americans desirous
of obtaining positions with the Los Angeles city government, and this
was especially true with reference to the Los Angeles City Water and
Power Department.
It is significant that prior to the Japanese consulate's request, only
one Japanese-American was on the pay roll of the department of water
and power in Los Angeles, whereas, subsequent to his request, 12
additional Japanese-Americans were placed on the pay roll of that
department. A list of these employees, together with information as to
residence, birth place, birth date, class, status, division and
location, and length of service, is given below at the end of this
subsection.
While it is true that these Japanese-American employees of the
department of water and power complied with the legal requirements of
the civil service commission and they were the ones duly certified to
the department of water and power when that branch of the city
government requested technical help, investigation has revealed that
Kiyoshi P. Okura made it a point to help Japanese-Americans secure
employment with the department of water and power.
Since the committee's exposure of the number of Japanese employed in
the department of water and power, the Honorable Fletcher T. Bowron,
mayor of the city of Los Angeles, has taken prompt action and has
suspended not only the 13 Japanese working in that department, but all
other Japanese employed by the city. The Board of Supervisors of Los
Angeles County has taken similar action and has suspended all Japanese
in the county's employ.
Japanese employed in the Los
Angeles Department of Water and Power
Name
and address |
Birth
place and birth date |
Class |
Status |
Division
and location |
Length
of service |
Fukuda, Ernest T., 2040 West
30th St. |
Territory of Hawaii, July 14, 1903. |
Junior civil engineer "A." |
Civil service |
Water distribution system, 410 Ducummon St. |
Since Apr. 23, 1928. |
Hamaji, Roy S., 1940 West El Segundo. |
Olney, Colo., May 20, 1922. |
Junior clerk |
do |
Commercial division, 302 Broadway Bldg. |
Since Nov. 24, 1941 |
Inouye, Kikuye L., 124 S. Soto St. |
Los Angeles. |
Junior clerk-typist |
do |
Accounting division, room 430, 2d St. Bldg. |
Since Mar. 1, 1940. |
Itou, Masaki D., 1021 Towne Ave. |
Fresno, Calif. |
Electrical tester |
do |
Test laboratories, 1630 N. Main St. |
Since Sept. 19, 1935. |
Kataoka, Takio, 2637 East 2d St. |
Los Angeles, Oct. 8, 1915. |
Junior clerk |
do |
Commercial division, Civic Center Bldg. |
Feb. 5, 1940, to July 15, 1940.
Since Mar. 17, 1941. |
Katow, Takeyuki, 2630 East 1st St. |
Los Angeles, Feb. 27, 1918. |
Structural draftsman |
do |
Power drafting, room 1228, 2d St. Bldg. |
Since July 1, 1940. |
Kingi, Inomata, 857 East 43d St. |
Kashiwoaki, Japan, Dec. 10, 1898.
Naturalization papers No. 890216 Pensacola, Fla., Jan. 29, 1919. |
Janitor |
do |
Test laboratories, 1630 North Main St. |
Since Apr. 14, 1937. |
Kinoshita, Robert, 1524 West 36th
Pl. |
Los Angeles, Feb. 24, 1915. |
Structural draftsman |
Emergency |
Powerdrafting,room 1228,2d St. Bldg. |
Since Aug. 11, 1941. |
Kimura, Harold H., 3816 Oakwood
St. |
Fresno, Calif., Mar. 8, 1914. |
do |
Civil service |
do |
Since May 1, 1939. |
Narahara, Shizuko, 1507 West 35th
Pl. |
Fresno, Calif., June 17, 1917. |
Junior clerk-typist |
do |
Accounting division, room 430, 2d St. Bldg. |
Since Jan. 29, 1940. |
Okabe, Thomas M., 804 East 3d St. |
Los Angeles, Dec. 29, 1918. |
Junior clerk |
do |
Test laboratories, 1630 North Main St. |
Since Jan. 16, 1940. |
Uyehara, Hiroshi, 1007 South Soto
St. |
Oakland, Calif., Jan. 1, 1916. |
Electrical draftsman |
Emergency |
Power drafting, room 1228, 2d St. Bldg. |
Since Aug. 11, 1941. |
Yoshida, Akira G., 1610 East 1st St. |
Los Angeles, Sept. 29, 1913. |
Junior mechanical engineer "A." |
Civil service |
Power drafting, room 1228, 2d St. Bldg. |
Since Apr. 14, 1941. |
{NOTE: See chapter two in The Battle for Los Angeles: Racial Ideology And World War II by Kevin Leonard for related information on the above.}
III
The committee obtained from a Japanese source a map of California (see
Exhibit No. 48 on p. 1792) which gives the locations of 39 important
Army and Navy sites.
The key to the numbers appearing on this map is as follows:
(1) San Francisco
Presidio Barracks.
(2) Fort Mason.
(3) Fort Milay.
(4) Fort Funston.
(5) Fort Winfield Scott.
(6) Fort McDowell.
(7) Fort Baker.
(8) Fort Barry.
(9) Fort Cronkhite.
(10) Heidel Temporary Barracks;
(11) Hamilton Air Field.
(12) Mare Island Navy Ship Yard.
(13) Bombing Training Field.
(14) Mother Air Field.
(15) McClellan Air Field and Army Aviation Corps.
(16) Benicia Powder Magazine.
(17) Secondary Aviation School.
(18) Army and Navy Supply Office.
(19) Alameda Navy Aviation Field.
(20) Moffett Aviation Field, Ames Aerial Research and Experimental
Station, Navy dirigible (airship) proposed field.
(21) Hunters Point Dock.
(22) Twelfth Navy War Zone Headquarters.
(23) Army Aviation School.
(24) McWide Temporary Barracks.
(25) Army Air Field.
(26) Fort Ord.
(27) Army Aviation School.
(28) Jerone Training Camp.
(29) Clayton Temporary Camp.
(30) Army Bombing Plane Base.
(31) Army Aviation School.
(32) Roberts Temporary Barracks.
(33) Army Aviation School.
(34) Army Aviation Field.
(35) San Luis Obispo Temporary Barracks.
(36) Army Aviation School.
(37) Aviation Men's Training Base.
(38) Monterey, Presidio.
(39) Treasure Island Navy Training Camp and Repair Camp.
EXHIBIT NO. 48
{Title: Army and Navy Bases Stationed in Northern California}
IV
The ubiquitous camera-carrying Japanese has been a familiar sight in
the United States for many years. There is very little in the United
States which has escaped the lens of his camera.
It is not so well known, however, that the Japanese have succeeded in
obtaining aerial photographs of all the cities up and down our Pacific
coast. The committee does not know the precise manner in which all of
these photographs have been obtained. It is nevertheless documentary
evidence that such photographs are in the possession of the Japanese.
It must be admitted that, by and large, these photographs have been
rather easy to obtain, thanks to our easy-going pre-war attitudes.
On the pages that follow, three aerial photographs which the committee
obtained from Japanese sources are reproduced. Perhaps the most
important of them is the one of the Gatun locks of the Panama Canal.
(See Exhibit No. 49 on p. 1795.) According to the Japanese inscription
at the bottom of this particular aerial photograph, the Gatun locks are
described as of "vital importance."
EXHIBIT NO. 49
The other two exhibits of aerial photographs which are reproduced as
Exhibits No. 50 and No. 51 on pages 1796 and 1797 contain five aerial
views of Los Angeles.
EXHIBIT NO. 50
The "Li'le Tokyo" from the air.
EXHIBIT NO. 51
Aerial views of Los Angeles City Market and Wholesale Terminal Market.
V
Prior to the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, extreme carelessness
marked the policy of the United States with reference to the location
of Japanese residents of California. These potential saboteurs were
permitted to take up residence or to carry on their business and their
truck gardening in the immediate vicinity of important defense
establishments, oil storage tanks, oil wells, harbors, and the like.
The committee obtained numerous photographs which illustrated the
menace of this situation. Exhibits No. 52 to No. 59, inclusive, are
taken from the committee's large file of such photographs and maps.
Exhibit No. 59 is a folded-in map (between pp. 1806 and 1807) of Los
Angeles, showing the strategic location of Terminal Island where some
3,000 Japanese lived. It was from this island that the Japanese fishing
boats put out to sea, the crew members of which could be depended on to
spy on the movements of the United States Navy on behalf of the
Japanese Government.
Fortunately, the United States Government has now taken steps to cope
with the menace described above by giving the Army authority to move
the Japanese population from those areas where they have been in a
position to do incalculable sabotage.
EXHIBIT NO. 52
Japanese truck garden within a few yards of producing oil wells,
picture taken on Figueroa Street, Los Angeles, Calif.
EXHIBIT NO. 53
Japanese nursery located in oil field near San Pedro, Calif.
EXHIBIT NO. 54
Japanese store across from tank farm at Wilmington, Calif.
EXHIBIT NO. 55
Looking north on Gaffey Street. Union tank farm on right, Japanese
truck garden below.
EXHIBIT NO. 56
Japanese truck gardens underneath power lines and across highway from
tank farm, near Wilmington, Calif.
EXHIBIT NO. 57
Unprotected oil storage tanks on public highway near Los Angeles.
Japanese lived nearby.
EXHIBIT NO. 58
Union oil tank farm, with Japanese truck garden below.
EXHIBIT NO. 59
VI
Reproduced in Exhibit No. 60 is a letter in which an important Japanese
concern requested vital information concerning the oil industry of this
country. As in the case of the Japanese consulate's effort to obtain
information concerning the water supply system of California, so in
this case the effort to obtain important information was made openly
without any of the secretiveness that usually is involved in espionage.
EXHIBIT NO. 60
SECTION V
JAPANESE FISHING BOATS
PARTICIPATION OF
JAPANESE FISHING BOATS IN JAPANESE VICTORY OVER
RUSSIAN FLEET IN BATTLE OF TSUSHIMA (RUSSO-JAPANESE WAR, 1904-5)
As evidence of the menace which existed in the large fleet of Japanese
fishing boats present in our waters, the committee cites the historical
record of two Japanese fishing boats which had observed the approach of
the Russian Battle Fleet in the Straits of Tsushima in 1905 and
immediately under forced speed proceeded to the Japanese naval base at
Sasebo, where the Japanese High Seas Fleet, under Admiral Togo, was at
anchor, and reported the approach of the Russian Fleet. Because of the
quick action of these two Japanese fishing boats, Admiral Togo was able
to align his forces in favorable battle formation before engaging the
Russian Fleet. According to naval strategists, Admiral Togo's final
victory was made possible through the information carried to him by
these two Japanese fishing boats of the imminent approach of the
Russian Fleet.
In the small city of Sasebo, on the Straits of Tsushima, a Shinto
shrine has been erected to the memory of these Japanese fishermen and
their boats, and to this day each anniversary of this memorable
occasion is celebrated by all Japanese living in that area.
FISHING BOATS -- TENTACLES OF
JAPAN'S FIFTH COLUMN -- USED IN PREPARATION OF
JAPAN'S ATTACK ON PEARL HARBOR ON DECEMBER 7, 1941
Unquestionably, Japanese fishing boats played an important role in
Japan's successful attack on that most important naval outpost of the
United States, Pearl Harbor. The groundwork for the attack, at least in
part, was laid by espionage activities of Japanese officers and crew
members on these Japanese fishing boats which had always operated,
practically unmolested, in and around Hawaii, and notably in the Pearl
Harbor area. The committee has in its files numerous photostats of
articles and documents which bear directly upon the fact that
well-informed persons residing in the Territory of Hawaii had for some
time been cognizant of the menace of Japanese fishing boats and had
sought to publicize these facts, hoping to enlist public support in
securing the enactment of legislation sufficiently adequate to remove
the menace.
Also, in the attack by the Japanese on the Philippine Islands, notably
at Davao, Japanese alien fishermen living in that area were active in
aiding Japanese troops in their landing operations. This information,
as well as other information regarding Japanese fifth column activities
in the Philippine Islands, both prior and subsequent to the present war
between Japan and the United States, is now in the committee's files.
It was made available to the appropriate agencies of our Government.
The committee's purpose in mentioning the foregoing incidents is to
stress the fact that Japanese fishing boats have been utilized as
scouts in modern warfare. The United States Navy has purchased, for
mine laying and coastal patrol purposes, a number of the same type of
fishing boats which had formerly been used by Japanese fishermen off
our coast, and does not deny the fact that fishing boats of the type
used by Japanese can be put into service by the enemy as navy auxiliary
patrol vessels.
It is an established fact that Japanese submarines have recently
appeared off the coasts of California and Panama and have been
successful in sinking a number of United States' oil tankers. It is
pointed out elsewhere in this report that Japanese naval officers have
been members of the Japanese fishing fleet operating off the California
coasts. The observations which these naval men were able to make while
sailing in close proximity to the California coasts, and the knowledge
thus gained, such as an intimate knowledge of the various channels,
inlets, and waterways, would make them ideal navigators for the
submarines which are now operating off the California coasts. Proof
that Japanese submarines are manned by naval officers wholly familiar
with the California coast line is found in the fact that these
submarines have been operating so closely to the shore that the sinking
of a tanker by a Japanese submarine was witnessed by persons standing
on the shore.
Much has been said in the past, in newspaper and magazine articles and
in radio broadcasts, about the menace of the Japanese owned or operated
fishing boats plying in the waters off the west coast.
On May 9, 1941, the committee's investigators, Steedman and Dunstan
sent the committee a three-page telegram in which they outlined the
menace of Japanese-operated fishing boats. This telegram is reproduced
as exhibits Nos. 61-63.
The committee had a large number of photographs made of the Japanese
fishing boats operating in our waters. Some of these photographs are
reproduced as exhibits Nos. 64-69.
EXHIBIT NO. 61
EXHIBIT NO. 62
EXHIBIT NO. 63
EXHIBIT NO. 64
EXHIBIT NO. 65
EXHIBIT NO. 66
EXHIBIT NO. 67
EXHIBIT NO. 68
EXHIBIT NO. 69
STATISTICAL DATA ON VALUATION OF
FISHING INDUSTRY 1915-41
Anyone familiar with the fishing industry on the west coast of the
United States is cognizant of the fact that the fishing industry
represents substantial financial investments. Inasmuch as the committee
has more extensively investigated the fishing industry in the State of
California than elsewhere on the west coast, the statistical data in
regard thereto incorporated in this report applies only to the State of
California.
As statistical figures and other reliable estimates will show, the
fishing industry in the State of California has grown to enormous
proportions, and its importance as a source of food supply has for
several years been steadily increasing.
Total catch of fish, exclusive
of shellfish
1916 ---------- pounds --- 86,490,392
1919 -------------do------ 250,453,244
As to the money value of this product, the following is quoted from
Report of State Board of Control of California on California and the
Oriental, which, in turn, quotes from a report of the State fish and
game commission:
The wholesale value
of the fish marketed fresh at 10 cents per pound
would add $5,000,000 to the total value of fishery products, canned and
dried, for the year 1919, making a total valuation of $26,417,743 for
the year 1919. (P. 105.)
The valuation of California fishing-industry products fluctuates from
year to year. According to information given the committee by the Fish
and Game Commission of the State of California, the total valuation of
fishing-industry products for the year 1940 (the last available
statistics) was $20,395,000.
However, it has been contended that food fish is a natural resource, in
common with other natural resources of the State, and should therefore
be regarded as primarily and inherently belonging to the citizens of
the United States rather than to aliens.
VALUATION OF INVESTMENTS OF FISH
CANNERIES
The report of the State fish and game commission places the total value
of the investments in fish canneries in California at $7,708,871 up to
December 31, 1919, and the latest available figures from the State fish
and game commission show that the value of investments in fish
canneries in the State of California in 1941 was $12,308,000 and that
10,919 persons are now employed in the various fish canning and packing
establishments in California, of which number 2,751 are Japanese. In
addition to this, 354 Japanese are employed in wholesale fresh fish
markets in the State of California.
CALIFORNIA FISH CANNING PLANTS,
SAN PEDRO DISTRICT
The following is a list of the California fish-canning plants, San
Pedro district:
California Marine
Curing & Packing Co., Terminal Island.
California Marine Curing & Packing Co., Newport Beach.
California Sea Food Co., Long Beach.
Coast Fishing Co., Wilmington.
Franco-Italian Packing Corporation, Terminal Island.
French Sardine Co., Terminal Island.
Italian Food Products Co., Long Beach and Newport Beach.
Sea Pride Canning Corporation, Terminal Island.
Sea Pride Canning Corporation, Wilmington.
South Pacific Canning Co., Long Beach.
Southern California Fish Corporation, Terminal Island.
South Coast Fisheries, Inc., Terminal Island.
Van Camp Sea Food Co., Terminal Island.
Western Canners, Inc., Newport Beach.
JAPANESE FISHERMEN IN CALIFORNIA
OUTNUMBER, WITH ONE EXCEPTION, OTHER
NATIONALITIES
Prior to December 7, 1941, the Japanese had recognized the importance
of this industry and had entered the fishing business in ever
increasing numbers, until there were more Japanese fishermen operating
on the coasts of California than any other nationality, except the
Italians.
The committee again quotes from the report of State Board of Control of
California on California and the Oriental, as follows:
MENACE IN ALIEN
FISHING FLEET
It is very significant to note that the increase in Japanese fishermen
as shown above from the license year 1915-16 to the license year
1919-20 was 168 percent, or 825 persons, while all of the other
nationalities combined increased but 2.07 percent, or 88 persons. This
increase in the number of Japanese fishermen is confined largely to
Southern California waters.
For the fishing fleet, operating off our coast, to be manned by an
alien people involves several factors vital to the best interests of
this country, amounting, in fact, to potential dangers.
(1) Is it good public policy at any time, whether at peace or in war,
to have so important a food as the fish 'supply monopolized by peoples
of an alien race? The growth of the fish industry had made it one of
the principal sources of food supply for the State.
(2) The fishing boats in their daily and constant travels in and out
and up and down the coast acquire an intimate knowledge of coast line,
harbors, and defenses, which is not only exceedingly valuable if used
for the benefit of our country, but would be extremely dangerous to us
and serviceable to an enemy if made available to such enemy during a
period of war.
(3) The experience of the British, in particular, during the late World
War demonstrated the value of the services of the fishing fleet for
patrol duty along the coast* line during the war, the fishing fleet
with its small boats scattered along the entire coast proved
exceedingly valuable in reporting the approach of enemy boats and
submarines. In the "case of California with a fishing fleet manned by
aliens, especially if circumstances made them enemy aliens, we would
not only lose the valuable services of these boats for patrol duty
during a time of war but this same fishing fleet might become a
powerful aid to the enemy.
(4) This fishing fleet provides a convenient means for illegal entry
into the State. The following language appears on page 409 of the 1919
report of the United States Commissioner of Immigration: "Numerous
Japanese fishing boats on the Pacific coast, operating in Mexican
waters, are employed to facilitate the illegal entry of Japanese
laborers" (p. 107).
Nativity of fishermen in
California, based on official records and
estimates
|
1915-16 |
1917-18 |
1918-19 |
1941 |
Italy |
1,310 |
1,138 |
1,152 |
2,000 |
United States |
1,094 |
970 |
1,185 |
4,106 |
Japan |
491 |
998 |
1,261 |
3,000 |
Figures also submitted by the California State Fisheries Laboratory
show that for the 1941-42 season there were 9,100 licensed commercial
fishermen in the State. Of this number, 4,106 were American citizens,
including those of Japanese extraction, and 4,994 were alien fishermen.
Of the total number of licensed commercial fishermen, 702 were Japanese
aliens and 323 were Nisei (American-born Japanese), making a total of
1,025 fishermen of Japanese extraction. Approximately 500 of this
number operated out of Terminal Island.
However, in noting the foregoing figures, consideration should be given
to the fact that California State Fish and Game Commission figures as
to licenses granted commercial fishermen under California fish and game
laws, did not give a true picture of the total number of persons
engaged in this business, due to the fact that nonresident aliens who
were fishing offshore were not required to have commercial fish and
game licenses. (See the case of Abe
v. Fish and Game Commission --
California.) It has been the custom over a period of years to employ
nonresident alien Japanese on many of the large tuna clippers, who do
no commercial fishing in the territorial waters of the State of
California.
Neither do the California State Fish and Game Commission figures on
commercial fishing licenses granted include the hundreds of alien
Japanese sport fishing licenses which these aliens used in fishing from
wharves, fishing barges, and pleasure fishing boats. These pleasure
fishing boats operated throughout our harbors in fortified areas in the
same manner as commercial fishing boats, and any alien Japanese could
get reservation on them for a 1-day, up to a week's, trip on a pleasure
sport fishing voyage.
Also, in this regard, the number of Japanese-owned or -operated fishing
boats which operated out of California ports, based upon actual figures
and official records, was in excess of 1,000.
METHOD OF FINANCING JAPANESE
FISHERMEN
As to the method of financing the Japanese fishermen, the following is
quoted from the report of the State fish and game commission concerning
the Japanese in southern California:
In most cases
Japanese-owned boats are under obligation to some
cannery. The cannery furnishes the Japanese with boat and equipment,
turning ownership over to him but holding a mortgage on same until paid
for by the Japanese. Each catch the Japanese brings in, a certain
percent is taken out and credited on the mortgage of the boat.
Investigations show that very few Japanese have their boats paid up in
full. Japanese boats are registered with the United States customs
house as Japanese-owned boats, that shows Japanese ownership according
to the registration, but in most cases mortgages are held by some
cannery. (Copied from report California and the Oriental, hereinbefore
referred to, p. 106.)
The condition referred to in the foregoing quotation is still true
today (1942), and clearly shows that American canneries, by financing
Japanese fishermen, help create a form of competition which cannot help
but react to the disadvantage of American fishermen.
The committee quotes a portion of a sworn statement given to it last
year (June 1941) by an informant who had expressed his willingness to
testify before the committee and to furnish documentary evidence and
data in support of his testimony:
Question. What do
you consider to be one of the most serious Japanese
problems within the Los Angeles Harbor area?
Answer. There is not any one outstanding problem that is more dangerous
than the other; the one that is probably the most obvious and the most
easily corrected is the allowing of alien Japanese, particularly
nonresident alien Japanese, to operate our commercial fishing fleet
throughout our harbors and coast line.
Question. Within the California territorial waters?
Answer. That is entirely true. There is a condition similar to this
existing in Hawaii and in the Philippines, and the Japanese are now
manning the northern boats fishing off the shores of Oregon, British
Columbia, and Alaska. This is particularly true of British Columbia.
The reason that it appears to affect us here more than elsewhere is
because of the situation which exists in the Los Angeles Harbor, where
oil is stored and which is the concentration point of the national
defense industry in shipbuilding and the base of the United States
Fleet and the United States Fleet air base.
Question. With reference to the Japanese fishing boat problem, will you
please elaborate on its potential danger to the United States?
Answer. Any potential enemy alien being employed on, and in many cases
having the control of the operation of, these commercial fishing boats,
who can legally navigate any of our waters and observe any of the
activities of the fleet and berth his boat or vessel in a harbor that
is so vitally necessary to carry on our defense efforts, is in a
position to do untold harm, including sabotage, arson, and espionage,
in multitudinous ways.
Question. Would you say that these fishing boats and alien crews have
engaged in smuggling activities and alien running?
Answer. There is nothing to stop them. In the first place, you want to
remember that many of these alien nonresident Japanese are young men
whom the Japanese Navy themselves conceded in all probability to be
officers or members of the Japanese Navy or Naval Reserve. That
statement was by cable from Tokyo about 2 years ago, and the reason
they gave for that statement was that for compulsory military training,
they chose fishermen in many cases for naval training in the reserve,
and when they had served their time and were discharged from training,
they sought employment elsewhere, and to the best of my recollection,
the Immigration Department should be in a position to verify that there
are more than one thousand of these nonresident aliens that pass
through here in bond to Lower California, Mexico, and later secure
employment in the local fishing fleet but are no longer employed on
those boats. Placing yourself in their position, it is perfectly normal
to expect that they are going to do everything within their power to
delay our national defense preparations, particularly when they imagine
they are directed against their own country, Japan, and in their
employment on these fishing boats, they are in an ideal spot to carry
out such a program. I would do the same identical thing -- if I were
allowed employment on a Japanese fishing boat operating in a Japanese
naval base in Japan, I would make every effort to give a very good
account of myself.
Question. Do the Japanese fishing boats constitute a menace to the
United States Fleet?
Answer. So long as these boats come and go without crew lists in their
daily occupation of fishing in local waters, it is quite possible for
them to load on board in the harbor practically anything they want to
take out and deliver to other boats on the high seas, including
correspondence, possibly individuals anxious to get out -- small
equipment, cameras, binoculars, steel drills, and things of that
character, as well as a vast majority of the commodities on the
restricted list of articles prohibited from export by the Federal
Government. They dock these boats in the lee of the oil tanks at the
water side in the harbor district, and it is a comparatively simple
matter for those boats to catch afire and explode, with their gasoline
engines. If such a plan were properly laid out, and their efforts
coordinated, it could destroy the entire harbor district. It is quite
possible that they can contact vessels on the high seas, and have been
known to do so. Court records have shown this to be true in the past.
Explosives or other essential equipment necessary to carry out plans
for arson could be removed from these large ships on the high seas. A
specific example of a fishing boat meeting a vessel on the high seas
is, I believe, somewhere in my files. I have letters from eye witnesses
who have seen these vessels contacted by Japanese on the high seas, and
in the case of the United
States v. Salich and Gorin, a naval
intelligence report was introduced in the testimony of Captain
Zacharias, United States Navy, showing that one of these Japanese
fishing boats contacted a German ship on the high seas and removed
certain acids to storage at Ensenada, Mexico.
Question. With reference to an article entitled "Rising Sun Over
California * * * So This Is Fishing," by H. R. Washburne, which
appeared in the
May 1939 issue of Trend Magazine, published by the California State
Junior Chamber of Commerce, is it true that you furnished most of the"
information contained in this article?
Answer. It is true that Mr. Washburne did interview me and I furnished
him with the two photographs that were used in connection with the
article, the one showing the American tuna clipper with the Japanese
flag on it, and the other showing the profile and plan drawing and how
it is possible to convert a tuna Clipper into a mine layer and torpedo
boat.
Question. Is it not true that you made the original blueprint of the
diagram?
Answer. The tracing was made at my suggestion and under my personal
supervision for the purpose of graphically illustrating my argument.
Question. You have read this article, have you not?
Answer. Yes, sir.
Question. In your opinion, is the article as it appeared in the
publication authentic?
Answer. Considerable time has elapsed since I read the article, but it
is my recollection that it is the best article of its kind written on
the subject.
Question. In this article it is stated that "military experts of the
United States have observed that a large proportion of the officers of
the Japanese controlled fishing boats are retired officers of the
Imperial Japanese Navy; and members of the crew are often reservists or
even active personnel of the Japanese Navy on leave for 'training.'"
And further, that "the Nipponese Government through its official
spokesmen, according to a United Press dispatch of April 8, 1938,
admitted: 'The Japanese conscript law naturally produces naval
reservists, which, after leaving the navy, work * * * in the fishing
industry. Naturally we take sailors from fishing groups, wherever
possible. When their naval training is finished they return to their
former employment. Most likely, therefore, there are (Japanese)
reservists in any fleet (flying Japanese flag or controlled by
Japanese).'" Did you give this information to Mr. Washburne?
Answer. The text was copied directly from the cable received over the
United Press wire, with this exception, that the author injected the
matter between the brackets and quoted it all. The last sentence should
read as it did in the cable: "Most likely, therefore, there are
reservists in any fleet."
Question. With regard to the alien owned or operated fishing boats
operating within the territorial waters of the United States, what
statistics are available with regard to the number of alien owned or
operated fishing boats so operating?
Answer. First, to get the record straight, aliens cannot legally own
these boats, but they are owned by corporations, and with the exception
of the captain or master, and wireless operator, may all be operated by
alien Japanese reservists, if they care to. Accurate statistics
concerning the total number of alien controlled, operated, or manner
commercial fishing boats are not available. There is no complete record
which shows their control. Many of these vessels, owned by American
citizens, are operated by aliens, and they are not even required to
carry a crew list. Those vessels fishing offshore required to carry a
crew list do not have to have California State fish and game licenses,
so that statistics from any of these sources, whether the Customs,
Immigration, California State Fish and Game Commission, etc., are
incomplete and will not show a true picture of the situation.
Question. What would be your estimate concerning the number of alien
operated fishing boats at the present time operating within and about
the territorial waters of the State of California?
Answer. If this estimate is to include all alien groups, Japanese,
Italians, Portuguese, etc., and all sizes of commercial fishing boats,
I would say there are not less than 1,000. In some of these boats there
are not 100 percent alien crews, but aliens are in the majority and
could take physical control.
Question. Is it not true that the American Legion of the State of
California has been greatly concerned over the activities of alien
operated fishing boats within the territorial waters of the State of
California?
Answer. Yes.
Question. And have they not taken steps in the past to see that
remedial legislation was enacted within the Assembly of the State of
California to deal with this situation?
Answer. In 1935, at the California State Convention of the American
Legion, a resolution was passed instructing our department officers to
introduce legislation at Sacramento which would restrict all commercial
fishing under the jurisdiction of the State to citizens of the United
States. This resolution, or mandate, has been passed at every
department convention since that time by an overwhelming majority,
almost unanimously. The legislation was introduced at the State
legislature in 1935, in 1937, and in 1939, and in each case, was killed
in committee.
Question. What is your personal opinion as to the reason why this bill
was never reported out of committee?
Answer. It is an intriguing question, on which I have some very
definite ideas but no proof. It should be obvious that the opposition
to this legislation, including the alien elements and the commercial
fish canneries, was stronger than the American Legion rank and file, of
which we have 60,000 members.
Question. In this connection, would you say that the Japanese
organizations within the State of California were very much against the
enactment of this legislation?
Answer. Definitely they were actively opposing this legislation,
including their language newspapers.
Question. Would you state for the record the name of the organization,
or group, or individual, connected with any Japanese organization,
which was most active in opposing this legislation?
Answer. The Japanese-American Citizens League -- Ken Tsukamoto,
Sacramento, attorney and past prescient of the Japanese-American
Citizens League -- and the English editor of the Rafu Shimpo, Togo
Tanaka. Tsukamoto was elected the most outstanding Nisei of the year,
and Tanaka was given honorable mention for the successful efforts in
defeating the bill in the Nisei Association of America in the contest
for the outstanding Nisei.
Question. Will you please state for the record the pertinent points
contained in the proposed bill?
Answer. Restricted all commercial fishing under control of the State of
California to citizens of the United States, and it included a very
heavy penalty for violation of the law or anyone conniving with an
alien to violate the law. The word "alien" did not appear in the act at
all and it was not an anti-alien act as it has been typed. It merely
restricted the exploitation of our natural resources of food fish to
our own citizens.
Question. Do you believe that the present bill, which has recently been
passed by the State Legislature of the State of California, concerning
this situation, is adequate to cope with the potential danger of the
alien fishing boats?
Answer. Definitely not any more than I would graft skin over a cancer
to cure it. It accomplishes no definite purpose.
Question. What does this present bill provide, and wherein does it fall
short of being a satisfactory bill to cope with the situation as you
see it?
Answer. This bill which has just been enacted provides for the
photographing and fingerprinting of persons engaged in commercial
fishing on board these vessels, but allows them to continue their
employment, and it further provides that these boats are not supposed
to go within 100 yards of the naval craft, but the poorest binoculars
and spent torpedoes are not handicapped by that distance, and therefore
the act, as such, is ineffective to the extent that it does not remove
the menace of these aliens on board these vessels, and the very fact
that the bill was supported by the Japanese-American Citizens League
and all of the interests that fought the American Legion legislation,
indicates to me that it is a smoke screen and not intended to
accomplish the result of eliminating this potential menace, but merely
to continue the conditions as they existed in the past.
Question. In general, then, you believe that the alien fishing boat
situation presents a potential and real menace to the security of the
United States?
Answer. I very definitely do.
Question. And it is true, is it not, that these fishing vessels, as
stated in the article in Trend, notably the tuna clippers, which have a
considerable radius of operation and have been reported to have
remained at sea for as long as 30 days without refueling, do and can
present a real problem so far as the security of the United States is
concerned?
Answer. Very definitely they constitute a menace, with their almost
unlimited cruising radius -- even 4 of the purse seiner or small type
of vessels have steamed under their own power to the Philippine Islands
and returned. About 30 of this latter type have been purchased by the
United States Navy for use along the coast.
In further support of the foregoing testimony, the committee also
incorporates into this report portions of the testimony of two
informants -- American citizen fishermen -- who were actually engaged
in fishing operations off the California coast and who had, in their
wide experience, come into contact with many Japanese fishermen and
fishing boats:
TESTIMONY
OF FIRST WITNESS
Question. What is your business?
Answer. Fisherman.
Question. Where were you born?
Answer. Dalmatia.
Question. That is a part of Jugoslavia?
Answer. Yes.
Question. When did you come to the United States?
Answer. In 1921, and came to Los Angeles January 21, 1921.
Question. When did you become a citizen?
Answer. November 5, 1926.
Question. Have you been fishing out of Los Angeles since?
Answer. I was in Alaska for three seasons, 1927, 1928, and 1929, for 4
or 5 months each season, and then I came back here.
Question. When did you first begin to fish in these waters?
Answer. The first day I came I went fishing in Mexico. Since 1933 I
have been fishing out of San Pedro and off the Lower California coast.
Question. During those years, did you notice that the Japanese were
doing quite a bit of fishing in the waters of Lower California?
Answer. Oh, yes; all the time, and all kinds of fish.
Question. When you were fishing off the west coast of Mexico, did you
notice any Japanese boats down there?
Answer. Sure -- they were tuna clippers.
Question. Did they ever raise the Japanese flag?
Answer. When these fishing boats were from 60 to 70 miles from shore
and whenever they passed a large Japanese steamer, they would salute
with the Japanese flag.
Question. In other words, when the fishing boats passed the Japanese
liners, they would salute?
Answer. Yes -- they saluted the liners with the Japanese colors.
Question. Were these fishing boats American boats?
Answer. Yes; I think they were.
Question. What kind of a crew did they have?
Answer. A white man engineer was employed on all of them, working out
of the canneries, but the members of the crews were mostly Japanese.
Question. Did you later buy your own fishing boat?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Who helped you buy it?
Answer. We put down $10,000 cash -- I and my partner, and Van Camp's
took a mortgage on the boat for the balance.
Question. What did you agree to do for Van Camp in order to obtain this
mortgage?
Answer. We paid him 6 percent on the money.
Question. It is true, is it not, that when you were fishing off the
Gulf of Lower California-Mexican waters, you observed many Japanese
fishermen working for the Mexican canneries at Ensenada?
Answer. Yes; at Turtle Bay, Ensenada, and Cedros Island.
Question. About how many fishing boats manned by Japanese are to be
found in one fishing area?
Answer. Only about two of them are manned by white men completely.
Question. When the United States Fleet was stationed in the San Pedro
area, did you ever notice that the Japanese fishing boats cruised
around them and that pictures were taken by members of the Japanese
crew?
Answer. I saw them take pictures. They took pictures of the shores in
the Gulf of Lower California.
Question. You have noticed, have you not, that almost all of the
Japanese members of crews of these boats carry cameras?
Answer. Yes; a lot of them.
Question, You know, do you not, that all of these Japanese fishing
boats carry two-way radios?
Answer. The tuna clippers have wireless and the smaller boats have
radio telephones.
Question. Is it not a fact that these Japanese fishing boats, by
employing Japanese crews, keep good American citizens from obtaining
employment on these boats?
Answer. Oh, yes; absolutely -- the Japanese work cheaper and the
canneries like to employ them in preference to us.
Question. In other words, the canneries want to continue having
Japanese fishermen on the island so they can have cheap labor?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Do you believe that the alien-operated fishing boats which
operate out of San Pedro and other fishing ports along the west coast
are a menace to our national security?
Answer. They are too patriotic for Japan, and therefore they are a
menace to our national security.
Question. Do you believe that these boats could be run alongside oil
docks or other strategic wharves and that they could be used to destroy
these oil docks and wharves either by fire or by explosives?
Answer. It is easy to do right now when there's nobody watching.
Question. Therefore, you believe, do you not, that the concentration of
a Japanese alien population in such close proximity to the national
defense area and the principal fleet base of the United States is a
definite menace?
Answer. Yes; absolutely.
Question. When you were in partnership with -----, and -----, a
Japanese, the
members of the crew of your boat at that time were Japanese, were they
not?
Answer. There were three white men and the rest were Japanese.
Question. During this period of about 5 months when you worked with the
Japanese crew, you observed, did you not, that they were for Japan and
that at various times, stated they were for Japan?
Answer. Absolutely.
TESTIMONY OF SECOND
WITNESS
Question. How long have you been a fisherman?
Answer. Since 1918.
Question. Where did you begin fishing?
Answer. In Alaska.
Question. How long did you fish there?
Answer. Nine or ten years.
Question. Did you ever run into the Japanese when you were fishing off
the Alaskan coast?
Answer. Yes; in Bering Sea -- 3 or 4 miles out -- small boats would
operate from big ships. These big ships were cannery ships, made of
steel, and weighed about seven to eight thousand tons. There were four
of them.
Question. When did you last fish off the Alaskan coast?
Answer. In 1935.
Question. Were these big ships operating at that time?
Answer. Yes.
Question. When did you come down to San Pedro?
Answer. I came down to San Pedro in 1936.
Question. Did you buy a boat or did you fish with someone else?!
Answer. I bought a boat at that time -- the -----, which I sold later.
Question. Have you recently bought another boat?
Answer. I bought a boat with -----, called the -----, on -----.
Question. Did the Van Camp Sea Food Co. help you buy this boat?
Answer. Yes, sir.
Question. I believe you heard the testimony of Mr. -----.
What he said about the purchase of the boat is substantially correct,
is it not?
Answer. That is correct.
Question. Did a Japanese by the name of ----- have an interest in
this boat?
Answer. Yes.
Question. When you first started out in November 1940, with this boat,
was the crew composed mostly of Japanese?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Are they hard to control when they get out in the open sea?
Answer. They are.
Question. Did your crew give you any trouble?
Answer. No -- but as a rule they are hard to control.
Question. Are Japanese good fishermen?
Answer. Not so hot -- white people are better fishermen.
Question. This Japanese had charge of the crew, did he not?
Answer. Yes.
Question. When you bought an interest in this boat, ----- already had a
crew,
did he not?
Answer. Yes, sir.
Question. And because of the fact that ----- was a Japanese, the
Japanese
crew naturally looked to him for directions when out at sea?
Answer. Yes.
Question. In other words, he was something on the order of a "straw"
boss?
Answer. They (the crew) were scared of him.
Question. Is there someone on the order of a Japanese "straw" boss who
controls the Japanese crews on all of these Japanese boats that have
American masters and American engineers?
Answer. Yes; so far as I know.
Question. When the boats are out at sea, they are more in control of
the Japanese than the Americans?
Answer. Yes; that is right.
Question. By having an American as a master and as an engineer, the
Japanese are able to evade the law in this regard, but they really
control the ship and the crew, is that right?
Answer. Yes. When they get out at sea, they control the boat and the
crew.
Question. How long did you continue to operate with a Japanese crew
before you tried to get rid of them?
Answer. About 5 months -- I tried to get them out three or four times.
Question. How did you finally get rid of the Japanese crew?
Answer. We came in about 10 days before the close of the season. At
about 5 o'clock in the morning, in the galley, they fixed some kind of
a breakfast and then went home and said "Everything is O. K." I got a
key from the pilot house and then I went home, too, and went to bed.
The telephone rang. My wife answered it, and said that a Jap wished to
talk to me. I answered the phone and this Japanese told me that he was
calling from the dock and that the boat was on fire. Then I dressed
quickly and telephoned my partner, -----. We went down to the
dock and that Jap who called me on the phone was waiting for us there.
We went in his car and I said, "What is the matter?" He said, "The boat
is on fire but not damaged very much." Then we went on board and found
a Japanese cook on the boat -- he was drenched with water -- he had
poured water on the floor and everywhere to put the fire out. All the
deck under the stove was burned out. The boat was tied up for 12 days,
and by that time the season was over, and we said we would not hire any
more Japanese because we do not trust them.
Question. Did you ever hear the Japanese who is at present on the
fishing boat ----- state that he learned all he knew about
navigation when he was in the Imperial Japanese Navy?
Answer. Yes.
Question. You believe, do you not, that there are a number of these
Japanese on these fishing boats who are well educated and who probably
were in the Japanese Navy at one time?
Answer. Yes.
Question. And these Japanese fishermen know every foot of our harbor
and coastal waters better than our own people?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Would you say that Japanese pilots, such as -----,
who was on your boat, are better qualified as pilots than pilots of
other nationalities?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Would you say they know every foot of the coast line?
Answer. I do not know about Lower California, but I do know that a
Japanese by the name of -----, who had a fishing
boat, -----, in 1935, operating off the coast of Oregon and
California, boasted that he knew those waters better than any man he
ever saw. He knew all about the bottom and the rocks and everything
else about those waters.
Question. And it is your opinion that Japanese make excellent pilots?
Answer. Yes.
Question. If these Japanese pilots were to return to Japan and enter
the service of the Japanese Navy again, they could very well serve as
pilots on Japanese submarines and come over here?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Do you believe that these Japanese mother ships could bring
men and supplies and land them on the Alaskan coast?
Answer. That is true. They could land a million men without anyone
knowing it because there are large bays, 50 miles in width, along the
Alaskan coast, and nobody whatsoever is around there, except perhaps a
few Eskimos.
Question. You have actually seen Japanese operating small boats within
the 3-mile limit?
Answer. Yes; I have broken a lot of these small glass buoys that the
Japanese use to hold up fishing nets.
Question. Many of these Japanese operated fishing boats are very fast,
are they not?
Answer. Yes; some of them.
Question. Would you say that the tuna clippers have a long cruising
radius?
Answer. Yes. They can go to Europe if they want to -- or to Japan.
Question. You then agree entirely with the statement that the Japanese
aliens are a definite menace to our national security in being allowed
to operate in the territorial waters of. the United States, near United
States Navy anchorages, near Navy docks, and in strategic areas?
Answer. In my opinion, they are too dangerous.
(The foregoing statements were taken on July 8, 1941.)
In its extensive investigations into the Japanese fishing situation,
the committee made contact with the Honorable Benjamin Harrison, Judge
of the United States District Court for the Southern District of
California. Prior to August 23, 1937, Judge Harrison was engaged in the
general practice of law at San Bernardino, Calif. On said date of
August 23, 1937, he assumed his duties as United States attorney for
the southern district of California, which position he held until he
became United States district judge in 1940.
During his term as United States attorney. Judge Harrison prosecuted
numerous cases involving Japanese espionage among the Japanese
fishermen domiciled on Terminal Island, and therefore the committee
deems it expedient to incorporate in this report the authoritative
testimony of Judge Harrison:
Shortly after I
assumed my duties as United States attorney, my
attention was called to two reports of the customs agent, covering
investigations into the ownership of two fishing boats, namely, the
Nancy Hank
and the Three Stars.
The reports indicated that these boats
were in whole or in part owned by aliens and were subject to libel
under title 46, section 325, United States Code.
Before commencing libel proceedings, I caused a general investigation
to be made concerning the ownership of the vast fleet of fishing boats
operating out of the ports of San Pedro and San Diego. This
investigation disclosed that a goodly portion of the fishing boats were
tainted with alien ownership. I found it was customary for a fishing
boat to he owned by a group and often only one or two would be aliens,
yet, such boat was subject to forfeiture, thereby working great
hardships upon innocent citizens and if such forfeiture were insisted
upon, the life savings of numerous individuals would be wiped out. I
further ascertained that there were four groups of nationals operating
these fishing boats, namely, Slavonians, Portuguese, Italians, and
Japanese, and that when a fishing boat left a port it was usually
manned by nationals of one of the above named groups. The investigation
further disclosed that the fishing industry in the waters of southern
California had its first real impetus during the First World War.
During that period and immediately following the fishing industry was
greatly encouraged and developed. Statistics show that in 1937 the
annual catch for California amounted to approximately $34,000,000 and
approximately $10,000,000 represents the permanent investment in
cannery equipment. The industry furnished employment to approximately
10,000 people. I further learned that a strict and harsh enforcement of
section 325 would seriously disrupt the industry and that large
investments in the canneries and boat ownerships would be seriously
affected, and many people probably would be added to the large rolls of
unemployment which existed at that time. It was also ascertained that
the widespread alien ownership was partially due to the lack of
enforcement of the navigation laws of the United States. The
enforcement evidently had been relaxed for the purpose of encouraging
the upbuilding of this new industry. It therefore seemed to me unduly
harsh that the Government should impose the severe penalty provided by
section 325 when it had been partially responsible for the unhealthy
condition existing.
After numerous conferences with representatives of the industry and
representatives of the Department of Commerce, we arranged for a method
of eliminating the alien ownership under compromise agreements, to
which the industry apparently assented. But after means of affecting
settlements had been arrived at, we found that the industry was not
cooperating in accordance with our understanding and as a result the
Federal grand jury for this district indicted Genkichi Koishi, Walter
H. Gillis, Montgomery Phister, Roy P. Harper, Harry C. Ward, and
Gilbert Van Camp under section 88, title 18, United States Code. After
considerable skirmishing around the defendants were re-indicted under
section 808, title 46, United States Code, to which all defendants
entered a plea of nolo contendere and fines of $7,000 were imposed. In
addition to the $7,000 fine the defendants, who with the exception of
Koishi, were directors of the Van Camp Sea Food Co., paid an additional
$38,000 in satisfaction of libels against the two boats referred to in
the indictment.
The industry thereby ascertained that the Government was serious in its
intention of enforcing the navigation laws and thereafter fully
cooperated in eliminating alien ownerships from fishing boats.
As a result of this campaign we were instrumental in collecting
fines and penalties for the Government approximating from
$150,000
to
$180,000 and thereby virtually eliminated all alien interests in the
fishing boats working out of the ports of southern California. We only
concerned ourselves with boats in excess of 20 tons.
From information we had learned that these boats varied in value from
$20,000 to $200,000; all are equipped with Diesel engines and most of
them with shortwave radio apparatus. Many of them had cruising ranges
up to 6,000 miles.
We also learned that those engaged in the industry found it very
remunerative. All men worked on shares, and we learned that the average
earning of a fisherman was approximately $2,500 per year and that many
earned from $4,000 to $6,000 per year. It appears that fishermen are
born, not made, and many who attempt to engage in the industry find
that they do not have "fisherman's luck" and that it takes time to
train those who appear to be fit for this occupation.
During our contact with this program we came in close touch with the
representatives of the Naval Intelligence in this area and found that
we had their wholehearted support in our program. We further learned
that boats manned by aliens, particularly Japanese, were viewed with
considerable suspicion. Naval Intelligence officers felt that the boats
manned by Japanese in particular were engaged in constant espionage
work and with their intimate knowledge gained in the operation of these
boats knew our coast line and harbors perfectly, and in the event of a
national emergency would be in a position to do widespread sabotage. In
fact, through the operation of these boats they not only came in
contact with our own coast line but with the entire coast line of
Central and South America.
When we completed our program as outlined, to our sorrow learned we had
accomplished but little. While the boats were citizen owned, they were
still being manned by the same group of aliens, and it became apparent
that it made little difference who owned the boats, but the real
problem was who manned the boats. I then realized that we had made a
drive, imposed heavy penalties on the industry, and yet accomplished
nothing toward the elimination of those who might be interested in
either espionage or sabotage.
The States of Washington and Oregon have to a marked degree corrected
this situation by State legislation, whereby they limited the issuance
of commercial fishing licenses to citizens only. We attempted to obtain
like legislation from our State legislature but were blocked by the
combined efforts of communist, Japanese organizations, canneries and
labor organizations. At a hearing before the Fish and Game Committee of
the State Legislation of the State of California, Commander Zacharias,
who at the time was in charge of the Naval Intelligence for this area,
appeared before this committee after he had obtained authority from his
superiors in Washington. At the hearing Commander Zacharias urged the
adoption of this State legislation and stated that it would materially
add to our national security. We were thus confronted with the fact
that notwithstanding it was common knowledge that the Congress of the
United States was appropriating millions for national defense, upon the
recommendation of the Navy Department, the State Legislature of the
State of California refused to take seriously the recommendation of
Commander Zacharias. We had the support of the Congress of Industrial
Organizations. A side light of this is the fact that most of the
Japanese fishermen belong to the American Federation of Labor, while
most of the citizen fishermen belong to the Congress of Industrial
Organizations.
The Native Sons of the Golden West and the American Legion were both
very active in urging the adoption of this legislation.
Public sentiment in California was definitely in favor of this
legislation and those of us who were interested in correcting this evil
thought of submitting the matter through a referendum but the cost of
about $25,000 to initiate it made it impossible.
Thereafter Congressman Harry R. Sheppard of California introduced a
bill (H. R. 8180). Later Congressman Bland introduced a bill (H. R.
9918) dealing with the subject matter. The Bland bill was passed by the
House but failed to receive action from the Senate before adjournment.
Since then no further legislation has been introduced in Congress to my
knowledge. As far as I know the State of California has passed no
legislation that would be effective in handling this problem.
Personally, I am unable to testify to any acts of espionage nor do I
know of any sabotage which has been committed by the group of aliens
operating our fishing fleet, however, in the case of United States v.
Gorin, which I personally prosecuted, wherein one of the
defendants was
accused of purloining reports from the Naval Intelligence Office and
selling the same for a consideration to the defendant Gorin, an agent
of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, reports of the Naval
Intelligence Office were introduced in evidence and an examination of
the exhibits clearly indicates that the Naval Intelligence has been
keeping a very close check on the activities of Japanese. I am
attaching copies of two reports (exhibits 1 and 2) which refer
to
certain activities that indicate strong suspicion of espionage and
possible sabotage. This case was appealed to our circuit court and a
report therefore may be found in 111 F. 2d 712. The conviction of the
defendants was finally affirmed by the Supreme Court of the United
States, January 13, 1941, and is found in 312 U. S., page 19.
Of course, constant rumors were brought to me concerning the activities
of the fishing boats, particularly those manned by Japanese, but as I
stated before no overt acts that could be substantiated were brought to
my attention.
Your attention should be called to the fact that the only American
bottoms that are not necessary to be manned by American citizens are
fishing boats and yachts. Your attention should also be called to the
fact that recently the Navy has acquired a number of these boats and
are now being prepared to be used as mine layers, mine sweepers, and
gate tenders. The recent war has indicated their usefulness at the time
of a national emergency and in the event of a national emergency many
of these boats, with their wide cruising range, could easily be lost to
this country and made available to a potential enemy. These boats
should be entirely manned by American citizens thereby insuring their
availability in the event their use becomes a necessity. They will
never truly be American bottoms until they are American owned and
American manned.
I think I should further call your attention to section 802, title 46
United States Code which still permits aliens, through subterfuge by
the incorporation route, to circumvent the ownership of these bottoms.
It may be of further interest to your committee to note that section
325 was first enacted during the administration of George Washington.
It was enacted pursuant to a message he sent to Congress under date of
December 8, 1790. An excerpt of this message is attached to this
statement, (exhibit 3) which certainly reflects that history repeats
itself.
Your attention is further directed to certain hearings that were held
by Congressman Bland's committee in which several departments of the
Government were represented.
This statement indicates that all I can give you is a general
background of the picture. I have assumed throughout that the free
access of our ports by aliens, that are now recognized as potential
enemies, is detrimental to our national security. The Naval
Intelligence should have available supporting evidence in this respect.
I might further state that since the agitation for legislation
correcting this evil, practically all alien fishermen who are eligible
to citizenship have become naturalized. The only group that will be
seriously affected by such legislation are the alien born Japanese.
I do not wish to be understood as being prejudiced in any way against
the Japanese. They have proven themselves intelligent, alert,
energetic, and their children excel as students in our schools. Any
criticism I might have is toward our former governmental policy that
permitted a minority group that is not subject to assimilation to
settle in our midst. I am informed that we now have in excess of
100,000 in California. During the period of my intense interest in this
subject I have been motivated solely by the desire to correct a
condition that might, in the event of an emergency, endanger the
security of this Nation.
In my efforts to obtain both State and Federal legislation I have
interviewed many representatives of the Government and found that the
main obstacle in procuring legislation is due to the fact that this
problem exists only in southern California and the Hawaiian Islands. To
many it appears harsh to enact legislation that will affect innocuous
aliens engaged in fishing in other parts of the United States. To my
way of thinking an American bottom should be redefined to be a bottom
that is both American owned and American manned.
(Exhibit 1)
COPIES OF NAVAL INTELLIGENCE REPORTS INTRODUCED IN UNITED STATES V.
GORIN
June 27, 1938.
Memo for DIO.
Subject: Japanese fishing boats.
1. The following information has come from a fairly reliable informant.
In June 1937 the Japanese fishing boat Flying Cloud, which
was
registered to owner Mato Suke Tsuida, San Diego, purchased from Van
Camp Sea Food Co., came into Ensenada from the south with a very heavy
load of gasoline drums. These drums were procured from the German
freighter Edna,
were landed in Ensenada, and stored in a flour mill
nearby. In September 1937 the same procedure took place. The keeper of
this mill was an Italian who kept it under a guard of two men day and
night. These drums were about twice the size of our own gasoline drums.
The drums' ends were painted yellow, and the only lettering was the
stenciled initials A. H. In October 1937 the contents of one of these
drums was secured and substance tested. It was found to be not gasoline
but an acid substance which when mixed with salt turned into minute
bubbles, just under the surface of the water, and attacked violently
any metals placed in this solution. The flour mill in which these drums
were stored burned down the day before an immigration officer was shot
on the border while trying to stop two men from crossing into the
United States.
In the fall of 1937, a vessel in the molasses trade, between the
Hawaiian Islands and the United States which bore an Indian name, was
loading molasses at a sugar mill in Hawaii, when it was reported that
some of this substance was dumped overboard on a rising tide by a
Japanese fishing boat. The plates of this vessel were supposed to have
been 25 percent eaten during the period of her loading. In February
1938, two Japanese were arrested by fish and game commission for using
acid near the jetty of Terminal Island to catch fish. The informant
suspicious of this, investigated immediately and believed this to be
the same substance, but was used to eat away a large cable, one end of
which was imbedded in the jetty. All of these facts have not been
checked as yet and an investigation will be conducted. Efforts will be
made to obtain samples of this alleged acid. It is noted that this acid
is supposed to come on German boats through the Panama Canal. If such
drums are seen by the inspectors at Panama, a sample of their contents
should be taken. The drums should be examined with a possibility of an
inner container. The fishing boat Flying
Cloud is reported to do little
fishing and spends a great deal of its time in transporting the
above-mentioned drums. She is reported to provision and fuel from the
Sendai Maru.
When approaching American ports she flies the American
flag, but upon getting out to sea the ship always flies the Japanese
flag. Her radio set is capable of reaching Japan and they have frequent
communications with that country. It has been learned that all of these
fishing boats are required to carry American licensed radio operators.
It is believed that a few reliable radio operators could be found on
these boats or that possibly several reliable operators could be placed
on the larger tuna clippers. There is aboard the Flying Cloud a
Japanese who is an expert radio operator and does most of the
communication work. The licensed American operator is not required to
do anything. It is further reported that large Japanese clippers
frequently exchange boat crews and particularly so when planning to
come into the United States from Mexico.
2. Upon the occasion of the Astoria
and Quincy
joining the fleet in
Long Beach, a Japanese freighter left her berth from Wilmington and
stood to sea in the direction of these vessels. She took no usual
commercial course but stood in such a direction as to pass the cruisers
close aboard. Two large cameras were used to photograph the cruisers.
Three fishing boats left the fish harbor and stood out to meet the
cruisers. These fishing boats distributed themselves in the following
order: one stayed inside the breakwater, very near their expected
anchorage, and the other stood outside the breakwater, a considerable
distance apart and waited for the cruisers to pass.
3. Three weeks ago the second officer of a Japanese freighter joined
some of his friends ashore, drove over to the edge of Reeves Field, and
took numerous pictures.
H. deB. CLAIBORNE.
(Exhibit 2)
NOVEMBER 10, 1938.
Subject: Japanese activities.
1. All vessels of the Yamashita Line usually anchor as close as
possible to the boundary between the general and naval anchorages in
San Pedro Harbor. They are frequently seen photographing the fleet from
these ships.
2. The Nippon Maru,
on or about August 1, 1938, was anchored along the
boundary mentioned above and a Japanese on board was taking pictures of
the United States Fleet with telescopic lens.
3. On or about Tuesday, November 1, the U. S. S. Wright with a
squadron
of PBY flying boats was conducting maneuvers, based at Reeves Field,
Terminal Island. On that day there was a large crowd of young Japanese
gathered along the fence at the west end of the field very interested
in all activities.
4. On October 26, 1938, at about 0715, a number of Japanese were
noticed taking various pictures of the Wilmington refinery of the Texas
Oil Co.
5. This office is constantly receiving such reports, as the above
particularly mentioning the photographing of military planes at Mines
Field and the Reeves Field. Further, the purchase by the Japanese of
air views of San Pedro area oil fields and refineries, in California
unquestionably shows their interest in obtaining every bit of possible
information concerning our defense and vulnerable spots. In view of the
fact that there is no law against such indiscriminate photographing of
everything, government agencies are handicapped in their efforts to
assure national security and it is recommended that the prohibited
zones bill be placed in effect as soon as possible.
(Exhibit 3)
EXCERPT FROM SECOND ANNUAL ADDRESS OF GEORGE WASHINGTON TO THE CONGRESS
OF THE UNITED STATES UNDER DATE OF DECEMBER 8, 1790, FOLLOWING WHICH
THE CONGRESS ENACTED THE STATUTES OF 1792 AND 1793, THE BASIS OF OUR
PRESENT SHIPPING LAWS
The disturbed situation of Europe, and particularly the critical
posture of the great maritime powers whilst it ought to make us more
thankful for the general peace and security enjoyed by the United
States, reminds us at the same time of the circumspection with which it
becomes us to preserve these blessings. It requires also that we should
not overlook the tendency of a war and even of preparation for a war
among the nations most concerned in active commerce with this country
to abridge the means and thereby at least enhance the price of
transporting its valuable productions to their proper markets. I
recommend it to your serious reflections how far and in what mode it
may be expedient to guard against embarrassments from these
contingencies by such encouragements to our own navigation as will
render our commerce and agriculture less dependent on foreign bottoms,
which may fail us in the very moments most interesting to both of these
great objects. Our fisheries and the transportation of our own produce
offer us an abundant means for guarding ourselves against this evil.
EXCERPT OF ANSWER
OF THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES TO THE FOREGOING
QUOTATION
The critical posture of the European powers will engage a due portion
of our attention and we shall be ready to adopt any measures which a
prudent circumspection may suggest for the preservation of the
blessings of peace. The navigation and the fisheries of the United
States are objects too interesting not to inspire a disposition to
promote them by all the means which shall appear to us consistent with
their natural progress and permanent prosperity.
Heretofore in this statement I have stated that I have heard many
rumors concerning espionage activities. I would like to amplify my
statement in this regard by stating that it has been accepted as true
and considered a matter of common knowledge that Japanese operated
fishing boats seem to find the best fishing grounds in the vicinity of
the maneuvers of the American Fleet. Wherever the fleet happens to be
for some strange reason the fish seem to follow and as a result
Japanese fishermen are always on hand to make their catch. It is a
strange coincident that when the American Fleet was conducting its
maneuvers in the Caribbean Sea, for the first time in the history of
the operation of fishing boats, fishing developed to be exceptionally
good in the vicinity of such maneuvers.
It is also a matter of common knowledge that these fishing boats are in
constant touch with the fishing fleet working out of the waters of
Central America, and that such boats are in constant touch with each
other.
Until recently it has been the common practice of certain large tuna
clippers operating out of San Diego to leave the port with a skeleton
crew and proceed to Ensenada, Mexico, where there is a large Japanese
colony located and there pick up the balance of the necessary crew and
proceed on their fishing trip. After the catch has been completed, they
would return to Ensenada and there drop most of their crew and proceed
again with the skeleton crew to San Diego for the purpose of disposing
of the fish. Also until recently it was common practice for Japanese
from Ensenada to return to San Diego from such fishing trips and bring
as members of the crew alien Japanese who would thereby have the
privilege of the ordinary shore leave granted seamen. Through this
practice it has been easy for Japanese to gain access to our shores and
lose themselves in our large Japanese population.
However, as far as I know, the only prosecution disclosed by our
records of Japanese operating fishing boats being engaged in the
smuggling of aliens, is that of Genkichi Koishi, who was prosecuted in
this court, for violation of section 8 of the Immigration Act, and
received a sentence of 18 months in the Federal penitentiary. This
indictment was filed September 6, 1928, and Koishi was convicted on
October 22, 1928. These facts are reflected in case No. 9337 on file in
the office of the United States district clerk for this district.
The menace of the Japanese engaged in the fishing industry off
California coasts has been very apparent. Many attempts have been made
in the past to provide legislation which would remove this menace. To
this end, senate bill No. 444 was introduced in the Senate of the State
of California.
This senate bill was introduced in the California State Legislature in
1935, in 1937, and again in 1939, and in each case, was killed in
committee, having been vigorously opposed by lobbyists employed by
cannery and Japanese interests.
Also a bill passed by the House of Representatives (H. R. 8180) --
Federal remedial legislation -- was vigorously opposed by Japanese
interests all over the United States and Territories. In Hawaii,
Territorial legislator Horoshi Abe vigorously opposed the passage of
this bill and made representations to Washington through Territorial
representative Hon Samuel Wilder King. Also according to reliable
information, the Japanese Ambassador himself opposed the bill by
providing and financing lobbying measures against it.
As evidence of the fact that Japanese lobbyists were active in the past
in opposing legislation of this type, the committee quotes from the
report of the Central Japanese Association:
(Translation of p. 68, Central Japanese Association.)
In the year 1919 the
Central Japanese Association contributed $1,400 to
fight the anti-alien fishing legislation in Sacramento in that year.
Further translations of the report of the Central Japanese Association
indicate that large sums of money were contributed through this
association, to be used in opposing any legislation which had as its
purpose the removal of the right of alien Japanese to fish in the
territorial waters of the United States.
JAPANESE DOMICILED ON TERMINAL
ISLAND, LOS ANGELES HARBOR
There were, according to reliable estimates, approximately 3,000
Japanese domiciled on Terminal Island, and it cannot be denied that
they constituted a potential menace.
The committee quotes from a statement taken from a special police
officer of the city of Los Angeles, assigned to police Fish Harbor,
Terminal Island, consisting, he said, of 36 Japanese stores, 4,900
inhabitants, 7 of the large canneries, bank, post office, docks, boat,
and yacht anchorage:
Question. It is
true, is it not, that you have been employed as a
special watchman on Terminal Island for the last three and a half years?
Answer. Yes.
Question. During the time that you have spent in this occupation you
have worked on the island mostly during the evenings?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Would you please specify the time?
Answer. Approximately from 8 p. m. to 6 a. m. It varies a half hour
either way.
Question. It is true, that you have come in contact with the Japanese
element to a great extent and have had occasion to observe their
subversive and suspicious activities?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Would you please elaborate?
Answer. In the past 2½ years upon the docking of any and all Japanese
freighters, tankers, and whalers under Japanese registry, several
members of the crews of these ships came to Fish Harbor, went to
Japanese homes, and spent many hours in deep conversation pertaining to
the American Fleet anchored in the harbors of San Pedro and Long Beach,
respectively. I have also noticed the taking of pictures of the United
States Fleet and of recent date the consulting of maps which were in
Japanese.
Question. And you have been present when a number of Japanese from
these ships have met in Japanese homes on Terminal Island?
Answer. Yes.
Question. And that these crew members from these Japanese ships are
Japanese naval officers?
Answer. Yes.
Question. You have also seen various Japanese officers from these ships
appear at their houses dressed in Japanese uniforms?
Answer. Yes; and some in civilian clothes and others dressed as
Japanese fishermen on Terminal Island in order to escape notice.
Question. Is there any doubt in your mind, that there is a great deal
of espionage activity on Terminal Island among the Japanese people?
Answer. No.
Question. Will you please explain?
Answer. In the month of December 1940, a Japanese freighter was docked
at berth 228E on Terminal Island, and I noticed during the course of
the evening in making my rounds in, through, and about the Japanese
camp that there were several Japanese officers and members of the crew
drifting over to a house occupied by a Japanese on Albicore Street.
Sometimes they arrived singly, sometimes in two's, and in one case
there were three. Along about 1 a. m. of this night I went to the back
of this house and went up on the porch and walked in the hallway and
heard several voices speaking in Japanese. I knocked on the door, and a
voice asked who was there in English. I identified myself and the door
was unlocked and I entered. There was a large table with approximately
12 Japanese sitting around it. They were having a so-called Japanese
feast consisting of fish, rice, etc. The Japanese in question spoke to
the rest of the Japanese in Japanese and during his speaking to them
the word "watchman" was mentioned twice, which evidently pertained to
myself. I was asked to sit down and I went through the customary
hospitality which is offered by the Japanese people of eating a little
raw fish and drinking a cup (about thimble size) of rice wine, better
known as sake.
Approximately 10 minutes after I entered the house, there were other
footsteps in the hall and there was a knock on the door and some words
in Japanese were spoken. The door was opened and this Japanese came
into the room, looking at me immediately because when I am on duty I am
in uniform. Again the conversation in Japanese and the word "watchman"
mentioned. After the customary welcome to this late arrival, he reached
inside his blouse and took out a standard size picture postal card. He
then said something to all of them in Japanese and he held the card in
his hand and showed it to the crowd that was there. The picture was not
turned at that time entirely toward me where I could get a good look at
it, but sometime later there was considerable conversation going on in
Japanese and the Japanese to my left evidently did not get a good look
at the picture because he spoke to the one who had this picture and he
turned it to him, and at that time I noticed that it was Hitler in his
army uniform. There was much applauding and bowing. Shortly after that
I left.
Question. Did you know any of the men who were present at this meeting,
and if so. are any of them still on the island and known to you?
Answer. Yes.
Question. On other occasions in various Japanese homes have you
personally seen the Japanese Emperor's picture displayed?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Do they also display the Japanese flag on various occasions?
Answer. Yes.
Question. What do you consider further as being of a suspicious or
subversive nature?
Answer. Up until the first of last month there was a Japanese living at
335 Cannery Street. I have been in his house many times and noticed
what I consider the finest photography that I have ever had the
pleasure to see -- pictures of mountains, valleys, stretches of
beaches, also pictures of our fleet lying at anchor in Long Beach
Harbor, and in particular the Saratoga
and the Lexington,
of which the
photography was so clear that it seemed like you could pick the sailors
off the deck.
He also made a business of taking photographs of Japanese residents
commercially. He told me at one time that his cameras, which had
telescopic lens, and his complete dark room equipment for developing
and printing, etc., were worth approximately $2,800.
This Japanese had been for many years in the fresh fish business,
selling fish as far south as Oceanside to the towns along the way and
as far north as Santa Monica.
A month ago this Japanese sold his fish business, his house, and his
automobile, and has returned to Japan. I have inquired further about
this man, and they said that he had been called back to Japan to serve
in the Japanese Imperial Navy. What position he held I was unable to
find out.
Question. Do you believe it would be safe to say that there are more
than 100 Japanese actively, or thought to be actively, engaged in
subversive or suspicious activities, including Japanese crew members
from the Japanese ships that dock near the island?
Answer. I would say that you are just about 800 short. I figure that
there are approximately 1,000, including visitors from the ships,
Imperial Valley, San Joaquin Valley, and Monterey.
Question. Have you observed subversive or suspicious activities in
connection with the Japanese fishing boats which operate out of
Terminal Island?
Answer. On several occasions when tuna clippers, returning from Mexican
waters, docked at Fish Harbor, I have observed as many as six Japanese
coming off this ship after customs inspectors, fish inspectors, and
cannery officials have left for the night, and have seen them going
along the dock and getting into a large sedan parked on Ways Street,
which is not lighted, and immediately leave the island, driving in
Alameda Street toward Los Angeles.
On other occasions I have noticed a high speed truck of steel
construction go to different parts of the dock and take large boxes off
of these tuna clippers. I have been told that these boxes contain
ammunition, which is merely hearsay, but I do firmly believe that these
crates and boxes contain contraband of some sort. This truck is always
closely followed by an automobile containing three or four Japanese and
on two occasions I have stopped the truck. Both times it was empty. It
is made of steel with no windows, has a heavy iron bar across the
double doors in the rear which is fastened by a heavy padlock.
I have also observed one, F. Mio, 777 Tuna Street (phone: San Pedro
2912), a Japanese restaurant owner, who has boasted to others that he
is one of the best spies there is. At one time about 3 years ago
upstairs over his restaurant in the corner room which commands a view
of all of fish harbor and part of the harbors of Long Beach and San
Pedro where our fleet would anchor, there was a large 6-foot telescope
mounted on a 3-legged tripod with adjustments for night and day work.
When they found out that I knew the telescope was there, an automobile
came down from Los Angeles, loaded the telescope, and left, presumably
for Los Angeles, I have never seen one like it since. Furthermore,
there are two short-wave sending and receiving sets located in the
Japanese colony along with some 200 12-, 15-, and 18-tube general
broadcast and short-wave receiving sets.
Closely associated with F. Mio is one, K. Hashimoto, 757 Tuna Street
(phone: San Pedro 6236). Hashimoto has a police record, having been
arrested several years ago by Captain Gentry of the Los Angeles Police
Department who is now located at the Seventy-seventh Street Station. A
number of years ago Hashimoto was associated with the Yu Song Bros.,
dope, narcotic, and liquor dealers in Mexico, which evidently caused
him to have to leave Mexico. On more than one occasion I, as well as
the night watchman in the cannery for the Van Camp Sea Food Co., have
noticed certain Japanese take small packages approximately 5 inches
long, 6 inches wide, and 4 inches thick, off the tuna clippers in the
dead of night with Mr. Hashimoto standing at the end of Tuna Street as
a so-called look-out.
Question. Have you brought these matters to the attention of the proper
authorities?
Answer. I have repeatedly brought all of these facts before the proper
authorities, such as the Immigration, United States Customs, Bureau of
Narcotics, and the Federal Bureau of Investigation.
Question. So far as you are concerned, why has this condition been
allowed to continue? Haven't these agents helped you in any way?
Answer. No. I have offered my services and have asked them to come in
plainclothes and ride around with me and I would show them these
things; and at no time have I ever had the pleasure of having any
member of the above mentioned branches of the Service come down and
ride around with me. I know personally at the present time of 20
Japanese who have entered this country illegally and have no passports.
I have observed the fishing fleet from time to time and have noted
statements made by various persons that the larger purse seiners were
double hull, steel decked under the wooden decks, that the revolving
tables that hold the nets had gun mountings, are not true. However, in
regard to these ships, I have seen electrical sounding devices and
recorders giving the depth of the water close to shore or in the center
of the Santa Barbara Channel as the case might be. I have also seen
records of the depth of the water around St. Nicholas, San Clemente,
and Ana Capa Islands.
I wish to state at this time that the captain of one of these purse
seiners showed me his captain's papers and pilot's papers from the
Japanese Imperial Navy.
Question. Is it not a fact that you have seen a
number of firearms of the latest types, such as rifles, etc., on these
boats?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Have you also seen the Japanese imperial flag on these boats?
Answer. Yes. Before we go any further I would like to mention in the
case of Mr. Mio that on the night of July 4, 1940, he had the American
flag and the Japanese flag decorated in his windows. At the time he was
taking them down I was parked across the street. He laid them on the
lunch counter to fold up and put away until another occasion required
the displaying of flags, and during the folding of the Japanese flag
our flag fell on the floor, or I would say slipped off the counter, and
he walked on it, and it evidently was in his way because I saw him move
it with his foot to kick it to one side. He later picked it up, rolled
it up, and put these flags away.
Question. Do the Japanese keep records in their homes?
Answer. At no time have I ever observed or seen anything put in
writing, and it is my belief that everything that is transacted down
there is by word of mouth.
Question. Do the Japanese transmit funds to Japan?
Answer. I have a connection in the California bank, where the Japanese
do their banking, who has informed me that a very great percentage of
their earnings are sent to Japan.
Question. You have first-hand knowledge of all of these activities on
Terminal Island, and, therefore, I believe that you firmly believe that
the presence of an alien Japanese population located on Terminal Island
in the center of millions of dollars of national defense features,
shipbuilding organizations, as well as oil storage tanks, and other
governmental defense projects presents a definite menace to our
national security, and that this alien population should be removed
from that immediate area?
Answer. Yes. I would like at this time to call your attention to the
Harbor Boat Works situated at Fish Harbor, Terminal Island, which I
believe at this time has a million dollars worth of Navy contracts for
the building of mosquito boats, etc. -- that located approximately 50
feet from this shipbuilding activity are 6 Japanese houses containing
approximately 35 to 40 Japanese, some of whom are of questionable
character, and some whom I have had occasion to arrest for crimes of
petty theft and burglary. Erected around this place is approximately a
10-foot steel, corrugated fence, and at different times I have seen
these Japanese peeking through the cracks either where the colonnades
come together or where there is a small gate or a large gate for the
entrance of trucks and material, to see what they could see that was
going on inside.
I would like to mention at this time the "cockroach service" (grapevine
system). There is a great amount of gambling, principally the Japanese
national game of hanna which is played with cards for money; also, in
the pool halls a Japanese game that is known to the Japanese as gahum,
which is also played for money with pool balls. As both of these are a
form of gambling and against the laws of the State of California, the
vice squads of San Pedro and Los Angeles come down occasionally to raid
and arrest those that are gambling, and in many instances their
presence and their mission is known within a very few minutes from the
license numbers taken from these cars by the Japanese.
Question. In all of this testimony, it reaches the general summation
that the alien fishing boats which are manned by Japanese are
considered by you to be a definite menace?
Answer. Yes; if we went to war with Japan.
Question. Regarding a recent move that has been made on the documenting
of fishing boats to put them in American citizens' registry -- is it
not true that the Japanese can evade this issue by leasing or getting
shares in boats of American registry where only the master and the
engineer are American citizens?
Answer. I believe that is true, but I have also been told that 75
percent of the crew must be American citizens; and on some boats I
doubt that there are any American citizens.
It has also been recently noticed here that since Russia has gone into
the war with Germany that many of the former old places of business
that were owned by old Japanese who were born in Japan have now been
all turned over, or at least the management turned over, to
American-born Japanese.
Question. I would like to straighten you out on one point in this
connection, and that is that as yet no law has been passed or placed in
effect whereby 75 percent of these fishing boats are required to be
American citizens. The law known as H. R. 8180 has never been passed by
the Senate; however, it has passed the House of Representatives.
Have you ever had occasion to be ordered away, by any Japanese, from a
cursory inspection of their boats, that is, have they appeared to
resent any attempted inspection of their boats?
Answer. I have on different occasions taken my children around the
harbor to see the different ships, as they seem to be more or less
interested in boats of all kinds, and on one or two occasions my girls
were not even allowed to go down alongside of these Japanese boats but
were ordered away by what would be known to us as a Japanese
quartermaster or first officer. On the other hand, we have adjoining
the Japanese camp and settlement on Terminal Island a field known as
Reeves Field, which has there at different times many types and sizes
of all our United States Navy and Army planes. This field is
approximately one-fourth mile east of the Japanese camp and when we
have the prevailing winds in the afternoons, which is a west wind,
these ships take off into the wind flying over the Japanese camp at
sometimes an altitude of only a few hundred feet.
I have been there in the daytime on different matters pertaining to my
police work, and have seen different residents and inhabitants of this
island snap pictures of high speed and approved late model ships flying
over these camps. The altitude is such that the occupants are very
easily discerned, as well as the gun mountings which are fore and aft
of the ship and very easy to see. They also go over and take pictures
of Reeves Field, and have gone out on the fishing boats and taken
pictures of Fort MacArthur, which I have seen myself, and with all this
-- two young American-born girls cannot go and look at a Japanese ship
without being ordered away.
Question. Are there any other particular Japanese residing on Terminal
Island, or in or near the Los Angeles Harbor area, who you also have
reason to believe are subversive or sympathetic toward Japan rather
than being loyal to the United States of America?
Question. Yes. There is one, Mr. Momota Okura, 529 East Anaheim
Boulevard, whom I have been informed is a captain in the Japanese Naval
Reserve.
Question. Would you please state from whom you received that
information?
Answer. (Informant here gave source of the information.)
Question. Do you know very much about one, Mr. Toma, who is the owner
of the Toma Co. located at 603 Tuna Street on Terminal Island?
Answer. Yes. Toma has several boys who show through their actions they
have nothing but contempt for any American. In talking to Toma himself,
he would give you the impression that he is very dumb, but I know that
his influence is very active in these so-called prefectural societies.
In these associations the following are the head men: Hashimoto,
Hatashita, N. Nakamura, Hiraga, Mio, Eto, Yamamoto, Hama, Ned -----,
Koiso,
and Murakami.
Question. Have you ever seen motion pictures of any Japanese activities?
Answer. Yes. The Japanese have on the island their own moving picture
house, showing all Japanese films taken in Japan with Japanese stars.
Question. In this connection, have you ever seen any Japanese
newsreels, showing the Japanese Imperial Army and Navy in action?
Answer. Yes; both showing the war in China.
Question. Were these newsreels not propaganda to the best of your
knowledge?
Answer. It showed the Japanese soldiers in some instances crossing
rugged country and in other scenes what appeared to me to be swampy
rice lands. The Japanese soldiers were inflicting great damage on the
Chinese Army, such as running bayonets through them, throwing and
bursting of hand grenades, artillery and machine gun fire, and the
bombing of Chinese along the road.
Question. In other words, you would say that these newsreels tended to
glorify the Japanese invasion of China?
Answer. Absolutely. Usually the applause was unanimous from the
Japanese residents of Terminal Island.
This moving picture house at other times is used for the drilling of
Japanese boys from the ages of approximately 10 to 18 years in the art
of self-defense in the Japanese art of Kendo.
Question. How does the Japanese population react when the Japanese
consul visits Terminal Island?
Answer. Upon the occasion of a visit of the Japanese consul to Terminal
Island it has given me the impression that I was going to see the
Emperor of Japan himself. There is much ado about it, and usually all
the prominent Japanese attend a Japanese feast and celebration which is
usually held in either some of the better homes or the Takawa Chop Suey
House.
Question. On these occasions have you noticed the Japanese members of
the community on Terminal Island show great respect and humility when
they meet the consul?
Answer. Tremendous.
Question. You would then say that the Japanese people residing on
Terminal Island treat the consul as if he were their actual ruler in
this country, the personal agent of the Japanese Emperor, and that they
seem to feel that they owe allegiance and loyalty to the Japanese
Government rather than the United States of America, where they earn
their livelihood?
Answer. Yes. I believe they consider it necessary to have the goodwill
and influence of the consul in matters which pertain to their
well-being here as well as matters that are transmitted to Japan.
Question. Would you please state what you know concerning the
activities of one Harry Nakamura, a Japanese resident of Terminal
Island?
Answer. At one time, I believe Nakamura was an interpreter for the
United States Immigration. He was caught giving false testimony in
favor of a Japanese defendant and his services were discontinued.
Recently he was employed by the father and mother of a Japanese boy who
was in trouble as interpreter in the case, and was found to have given
the court false testimony. This statement is merely to show the
character of the man who perjures himself and perjures the witness. It
is at his house where some crew members of these Japanese tankers and
freighters meet, and he makes it a point to meet all the Japanese ships
that dock in San Pedro Harbor. To my knowledge he is not a broker and
he is not an attorney; his business activities with the crew members of
these ships seem to be more or less of a mystery. He carries a brief
case with him most of the time when meeting these ships.
Question. In connection with this man have you anything else specific
regarding his activities among the Japanese on the island?
Answer. Yes. He is very active in arranging bail for the gamblers when
they are knocked off.
Question. In other words, you would say in general that H. Nakamura is
a confidence man for the Japanese?
Answer. Yes.
Question. More specifically concerning the alleged espionage activities
on Terminal Island, do you not believe that there is a pay-off man for
the Japanese on the island whom you have noticed at different times in
a pool hall on the island, and who has carried large sums of money?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Would you please explain?
Answer. A fisherman by the name of
who occasionally plays pool and buys cigarettes in there has seen a
Japanese come in and go in the back with a large amount of money in a
small handbag, which is supposed to be the pay-off for spy activities
and information furnished by other Japanese for this so-called spy ring.
Question. Again referring to F. Mio, proprietor of the Mio Cafe at 777
Tuna Street in San Pedro, have you observed on several occasions that
American sailors and American Army men have been seen in that cafe and
that Mr. Mio has endeavored to get them intoxicated in order to
ascertain what they know about the particular branch of the service in
which they are?
Answer. Yes. About a year ago I became acquainted with a petty officer
in the United States Navy stationed at Reeves Field (United States
naval field). I have on several occasions taken him from Mio's Cafe or
on the streets of Fish Harbor to Reeves Field in my automobile. On some
occasions he was under the influence of liquor and I knew that he had
been in Mio's Cafe all evening drinking, because I had been passing
there every 15 or 20 minutes and would see Mio serve him continually
with wine, free of charge. He told me on several occasions that when
Mio thought he was pretty drunk he had asked him many questions about
Reeves Field -- were they going to make it bigger; were they going to
have a breakwater; were they going to station bombers there; were they
going to have a place for marines; were they going to run the Japanese
off the island; when was the American Fleet going to leave; was he
going to go with them; where were they going; when would they be coming
back, and so forth.
Question. In this connection, has Mr. Mio ever asked this petty officer
a question regarding the number of naval vessels present at the San
Pedro Naval Anchorage?
Answer. No; he has never mentioned that to me. Mio knows how many there
are because he built a little boat and bought a high-speed outboard
motor in which he and his boy cruise right out in the bay among them.
Question. Have you seen Mio take pictures from his small boat alongside
these naval vessels?
Answer. No; I have not. He would be too far from shore for me to see
him taking pictures from a small boat; but I have been there at times
when he has left the foot of Tuna Street, where his boat is tied up,
with a camera, and I have been there at other times when he returned
and would see him come ashore with a good-sized camera.
Question. Have you noticed any suspicious activities of any sort taking
place at the Yoshioka, 600 South Seaside Avenue on Terminal Island?
Answer. Yes; this cafe is situated right on the corner of Seaside and
Terminal Way, and derives practically all of its business from the
ships that dock at the water front on the island, such as Luckenbach,
Swain, Hoyt, Panama Pacific, McCormick, N. Y. K., and O. S. K.
Question. In this connection then, it would be really easy, would it
not, for the owner of this cafe to ascertain the movements of the ships
that arrive in the port of Los Angeles?
Answer. They do ascertain the arrival of the ships.
Question. They could, by questioning, ascertain the next port of the
ships and when they were sailing, and so forth.
Answer. They do.
Question. Do you know of any cafes which might serve as headquarters
for this type of work?
Answer. In regard to the Minatoya Cafe, 2545 Cannery Street -- when
there are different celebrations Minatoya does not take part in any of
these doings, and has a class of trade which would be called "low,"
such as Mexicans, Filipinos, and Japanese. It is one of the few places
that do not show some signs of Americanism when we have holidays which
require the displaying of the American Flag. There are a number of the
Japanese, as I have stated before, who have not obtained passports and
who spend their time in this cafe.
Question. Regarding the Japanese who, you believe, are illegal entrants
in this country, do you not recognize them on sight?
Answer. Yes.
Question. However, you do not know their names?
Answer. No. On one or two occasions I was curious to know their names
and found that they had given me fictitious names due to the fact that
they were illegally in this country without passports, and from that
time, which has been in some cases 2 years, they have continually
avoided me.
Question. Have you not certain supporting exhibits regarding names,
addresses, letters, and pictures with reference to the claims that you
have made in the foregoing statements?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Regarding Hashimoto who owns the Japanese Hardware Store on
Terminal Island, would you say it is highly undesirable for a Japanese
to possess as many firearms of all types as he does?
Answer. Yes. He has a large stock of firearms and ammunition which he
sells to the fishermen. In the show window, I would say there are
approximately some 40 rifles and shotguns of different gage and caliber.
In connection with the Hashimoto family, I know that two Hashimoto
boys, one approximately 16 years of age and the other, 23 or 24 years
of age, are not passing up any bets in regard to the construction of
shipyards and the building of new ships of all types, air fields,
airports, and so forth.
Question. How do you know this?
Answer. I have seen them around watching all these activities. The
younger boy has been known to spy on members of the police department
as well as myself and my partner, and they are equipped with fine
cameras and also have their own automobiles consisting of a 1941 Buick
and 1941 Ford coupe. Both these boys leave and come back to the camp at
all hours of the night, and as their father is one of the "big shots"
of the Japanese colony, I think that it is their business to keep him
posted on all the activities.
Question. Concerning the alleged meetings among the Japanese people on
Terminal Island, is it not true, that on many occasions you have
noticed the fact that many Japanese have come from different parts of
the State of California to meet with certain Japanese members on
Terminal Island from such faraway places as Imperial Valley, Monterey,
San Joaquin Valley, San Diego, San Luis Obispo, and so forth, as well
as out of State?
Answer. Yes.
(The foregoing statement was taken July 10 and 14, 1941.)
SECTION VI
JAPANESE TREATY
MERCHANTS
For many years, there has been a standard clause in international
treaties which exempted merchants from the usual regulations which all
countries applied to immigrants in general. These individuals plying
their trade or business in other countries have been known as treaty
merchants.
With the rise of the totalitarian powers, abuses of the treaties which
these powers had with the democracies began to multiply. Espionage
agents, otherwise barred from entry into this country, began to enter
the United States in the guise of treaty merchants. There were 889
Japanese treaty merchants residing in the United States at the time of
the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. The committee is convinced by the
evidence in its possession that many of these Japanese treaty
merchants were engaged in espionage work for their home government.
The committee obtained a complete list of these Japanese treaty
merchants from the Department of Justice. These lists are reproduced as
exhibits Nos. 70-87 as double-page inserts following this page. {NOTE:
These exhibits are contained in a single
PDF file; click on image below
to
view.}
SECTION VII
EMPEROR-DECORATED JAPANESE IN THE UNITED STATES
The Japanese Emperor has conferred decorations upon hundreds of
American citizens of Japanese descent. This has been one of the ways in
which the Japanese Government has bound the Nisei to itself. The
committee was able to obtain from a secret Japanese source the names
and photographs of some of these Emperor-decorated citizens of the
United States. This particular group whose photographs are reproduced
in the exhibits which follow was decorated by Prince Chichibu on behalf
of his brother, the Emperor, during the former's visit to the United
States in 1937.
Following each exhibit is a translation of the notations which
accompany the photographs. These notations give a clue to the
importance of the respective individuals in the Japanese community of
California. Wherever the notation includes a reference to the
"welcoming reception committee," the notation refers to the Los Angeles
committee which welcomed Prince Chichibu when he visited that city.
EXHIBIT NO. 88
PLATE NO. 3
A
Miyata, Yujiro, Tokyo (Miyata is now living in Tokyo):
Superintendent of
compilation.
Welcoming reception committee.
Director, Los Angeles Japanese Hospital.
Military surgeon sub-lieutenant.
Senior sixth rank.
Fourth Order of Merit.
B
Akashi, Iku:
Head, welcoming
reception committee.
President, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Fukuoka Prefecture.
In 1940:
Chairman of board of
trustees. Southern California Chamber of Commerce
and Industry.
Director, Japanese Cultural Society.
C
Akazaki, Shusuke:
Welcoming committee.
Director, Los Angeles Hongwanji Betsuin.
Adviser, Kuinamoto Overseas Association, Southern California Branch.
Head, Los Angeles Japanese Dry Goods Stores Association.
Kumamoto Prefecture.
D
Karki, Dr. Yasuzo:
Superintendent of
compilation.
Welcoming committee:
Adviser, Los Angeles Hongwanji Betsuin.
Head, Zaibei Nipponjin, Shijitsu Hozon Kai (an association to preserve
historical facts of the resident Japanese).
Nagano Prefecture.
E
Akaboshi, Kenzo:
Welcoming committee.
Auditor, Boyle Heights District, Japanese-language school.
Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Kumamoto Prefecture.
F
Amano, A.:
Welcoming committee.
Director, Boyle Heights District, Japanese-language school (managing
director)
Doctor of medicine.
Kumamoto Prefecture.
G
Aoki, Kamenosuke:
Welcoming committee.
Managing director, former Talbert Japanese Language School.
Sixth Order of Merit.
Sixth Achievement Degree.
Saitama Prefecture.
In 1940: Huntington Beach representative. Southern California Imperial
Veterans.
H
Asano, Kintaro:
Welcoming committee.
Koyasan Daishi Kyokai, managing director.
Branch head, Fukuoka Overseas Association, Southern California Branch.
Fukuoka Prefecture.
In 1940:
Councilor, Los
Angeles Japanese Association.
Adviser, Koyasan Beikoku Betsuin.
I
Arataka, Keiji:
Koyu Jigyo Hotosha
(petroleum business counselor).
Treasurer, Greater Japan Sinto, North American branch office.
Hokkaido Prefecture.
EXHIBIT NO. 89
PLATE NO. 4
A
Arako, Kinan:
Welcoming committee.
Auditor, Koyasan Daishi Kyokai.
Vice president, Southern California Wakayama Prefectural Society.
Wakayama Prefecture.
B
Aihara, Seikichi:
Adviser, Garden
Grove Japanese Language School.
Head, Southern California Shizuoka Prefectural Society Savings
Association.
Shizuoka Prefecture.
Adviser, Koyasan Daishi Kyokai.
In 1940:
Auditor, Central
Japanese Association.
President, Orange County Japanese Association.
C
Arakawa, Kijo (deceased):
Manager, Nichibei
Kogyogaisha.
Manager, Fuji Motion Picture Co.
Kagawa Prefecture.
D
Abe, Rokuroku:
Committee member,
Ninth Market Agricultural Association.
Fukushima Prefecture.
E
Ambo, Toraichi:
Konko Kyoshinto
Sodai.
President, New Fashion Sensen Stockholding Co. (Dye Works Co., Los
Angeles).
Hiroshima Prefecture.
F
Azuma, Zensaku:
Welcoming committee.
Ishikawa Prefecture.
G
Adachi, Asao:
Treasurer, Bangle
Bukkyo (Buddhist) Japanese Language School.
Tottori Prefecture.
H
Ando, Yoshio:
President (Former),
Santa Monica Yuwa Club.
Managing director (Former), Santa Monica Japanese Language School.
Assistant managing director (Former), Kumamoto Overseas Society Branch.
Kumamoto Prefecture.
I
Kayano, Tsuneshi:
Welcoming reception
committee.
Agricultural Taiho Tosha.
President, Greater Japan Industrial Organization, North American Branch.
Tairoku Hakuju Yukosho (Award of Merit).
Nagano Prefecture.
In 1940: President, Greater Japan Agricultural Association, North
American Branch.
EXHIBIT NO. 90
PLATE NO. 5
A
Dobashi, Tokutaro:
Welcoming reception
committee.
Auditor, Southern California Central Japanese Association.
President, Long Beach Japanese Association.
Hiroshima Prefecture.
B
Eguchi, Michitoku:
Welcoming committee.
Kochi Prefecture.
1940: Kendo chairman, Long Beach Japanese Association.
C
Furuzawa, Dr. Takashi:
Welcoming committee.
President (former). Southern California Japanese Physicians'
Association.
President, Southern California Fishing Club.
Okayama Prefecture.
1940: Adviser, Koyasan Beikoku Betsuin.
D
Dobashi, Wataru:
President (former),
Japan-California Agricultural Association.
Vice president (former), Southern California Central Japanese
Association.
Adviser, Anaheim Japanese Language School.
Wakayama Prefecture.
E
Endo, Takao: Tottori Prefecture.
F
Furuzawa, Sachiko:
Welcoming committee.
Director, Southern California Federation of Women's Societies.
President, Daishi Buddhist Women's Association.
Fukuoka Prefecture.
G
Doi, Asayo (now in Japan):
Welcoming committee.
President, Hiroshima Prefecture Women's Society,
Head, French-American Sewing School.
Hiroshima Prefecture.
H
Fujioka, Jiro:
Welcoming committee.
Vice president (former), Southern California Hiroshima Prefecture.
Secretary, Boyle Heights Central Japanese Language School.
Hiroshima Prefecture.
In 1940: Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
I
Fukuyama, Keikichi:
Welcoming committee.
President (former), Fukuoka Prefectural Society.
Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Fukuoka Prefecture.
(Owner of the Fukuyama Hardware Store in Little Tokyo.)
EXHIBIT NO. 91
PLATE NO. 7
A
Hirao, Tomiji:
Welcoming committee
member.
Education chairman, Long Beach Japanese Association.
Eighth Order of Merit.
Sixth Achievement Degree.
Tottori Prefecture.
In 1940: agricultural chairman, Long Beach Japanese Association.
B
Hioki, Shiro:
Secretary, Puente
Industrial Association.
Teacher, Puente Japanese Language School.
Sub-lieutenant, military infantry.
Eighth Order of Merit.
Kumamoto Prefecture.
C
Hatashita, Isahei:
Welcoming reception
committee.
President (former), Southern California Japanese Fishing Association.
President (former), Southern California Central Japanese Association.
Wakayama Prefecture.
In 1940: Adviser, San Pedro Japanese Association.
D
Hara, Toyoyori:
President (former),
Ehime Prefectural Society.
Eighth Order of Merit.
Sixth Achievement Degree.
Ehime Prefecture.
E
Handa, Ikusaburo:
President, Kanagawa
Prefectural Society Savings Association.
Seventh Order of Merit.
Seventh Achievement Degree.
Kanagawa Prefecture.
F
Hara, Otsuji:
Welcoming reception
committee.
President, San Pedro Japanese Association.
Yamaguchi Prefecture.
G
Honda, Dr. Rikita (deceased):
Welcoming committee.
Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Surgeon, Military Third Order Army.
Eighth Order of "Merit.
Doctor of medicine.
Yamagata Prefecture.
In 1940: Commandant, Southern California Imperial Veterans,
H
Hirama, Shigekichi:
Treasurer, Los
Angeles Japanese Language School.
President, Southwest Discussion Groups.
Eighth Order of Merit.
Miyagi Prefecture.
In 1940: Adviser, Seinan Kyogikai (Southwest Discussion Club)..
I
Hirama, Kumajiro:
Welcoming reception
committee.
President, San Bernardino County Japanese Association.
Fukuoka Prefecture.
EXHIBIT NO. 92
PLATE NO. 10
A
Hirata, Tokuji (Dr. Hirata is now in Tokyo) : Doctor of medicine.
B
Hirose, Shurei:
Director (former),
Southern California Japanese Hospital.
Head (former), New World Sun, Southern California Branch.
Head of general affairs, Higashi Hongwanji Betsuin.
Yamanashi Prefecture.
In 1940:
Adviser, Higashi Hongwanji Betsuin.
Honorary adviser, Hokubeizen Zenshuji.
C
Ikeda, Shunkyo:
Welcoming committee.
Director, Los Angeles Nishiren Kyokai.
Military artillery.
Senior eighth rank.
Hiroshima Prefecture.
D
Hiraishi, Matsutaro:
Director, Toyo
Japanese School.
Hiroshima Prefecture.
E
Hirose, Kishitaro:
Adviser, Watts
Japanese Language School.
Yamanashi Prefecture.
F
Ishibashi, Kumekichi (Sokichi):
Welcoming committee.
Eighth Order of Merit.
Wakavama Prefecture.
G
Hiratsuka, Shigeichi:
Director, Hongwanji
Los Angeles Betsuin.
Adviser, Bangle Betsuin Japanese Language School.
Fukuoka Prefecture.
H
Higashikawa, Yasukichi: Miye Prefecture.
I
Itano, Hatsusaburo:
Supervisor of place
of meeting, welcoming committee.
Vice director, Los Angeles Nichiren Kyokai.
Auditor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Okayama Prefecture.
In 1940: Adviser, Rafu Nichiren Shu Kyokai.
EXHIBIT NO. 93
PLATE NO. 13
A
Iwata, Yasujiro:
Education chairman,
San Francisco Showa Japanese Language School.
Wakayama Prefecture.
B
Kijima, Haruichi:
Welcoming reception
committee.
President, Moneta Japanese Association.
Eighth Order of Merit.
Seventh Achievement Degree.
Hiroshima Prefecture.
In 1940: Gardena representative, Southern California Imperial Veterans.
C
Kiyohara, Danzo:
Los Angeles City
welcoming committee.
Secretary, Los Angeles Nichibei (Japan-American) Association.
President, W. O. Oil Co.
Kumamoto Prefecture.
D
Ikeda, Sansho: Hokkaido.
E
Kajikawa, Iwanari:
Welcoming committee.
Adviser, Ninth Market Youth Club.
Auditor, Southern California Agricultural Association.
Eighth Order of Merit.
Seventh Achievement Degree.
Hiroshima Prefecture.
F
Uenaka, Taroji;
Welcoming reception
committee.
President, San Gabriel Valley Japanese Association.
Kumamoto Prefecture.
G
Ishihara, Masaichi: Shiga Prefecture.
H
Katow, Takichi:
Director, Kanagawa
Prefectural Society.
Vice president, Beikoku (United States of America) Sumo (Japanese
Wrestlers' Association) Club.
Head, Los Angeles Restaurant Association.
Eighth Order of Merit.
Kanagawa Prefecture.
In 1940:
Councilor, Los
Angeles Japanese Association.
Downtown representative, southern California Imperial Veterans.
I
Konishi, Magoemon:
Welcoming reception
committee.
President, Guadalupe Japanese Association.
Wakayama Prefecture.
EXHIBIT NO. 94
PLATE NO. 15
A
Kawanami, Taizo:
Welcoming committee
member.
Secretary, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Fukuoka. Prefecture.
In 1940: Auditor, Long Beach Japanese Association.
B
Kawano, Katsuya:
Board member,
Southern California Chamber of Commerce and Industry.
Hiroshima Prefecture.
In 1940: Honorary board, Beikoku Shinto Kyokai.
C
Kaneko, Kinzo:
Venice Palms
Japanese Language School.
Assistant manager, board of directors.
Hiroshima Prefecture.
D
Kawaguchi, Kinzo:
Member, Fukuoka
Prefectural Society.
Managing director, Monrovia Showa Japanese Language School.
Fukuoka Prefecture.
In 1940: Honorary board, Beikoku Shinto Kyokai.
E
Kawano, -----: Hiroshima Prefecture.
F
Kiyota, Takeo:
Director, California
Agricultural Association.
Director, Southern California Agricultural Association.
Managing director, Kumamoto Overseas Association.
Kumamoto Prefecture.
G
Kawasaki, Yasujiro:
Director, Southern
California Shizuoka Prefectural Society.
Member, board of directors, Los Angeles Nichiren Temple.
Shizuoka Prefecture.
(Owner of the Matsunozushi Cafe, Little Tokyo.)
In 1940: Adviser, Rafu Nichiren Shu Kyokai.
H
Kageyama, Kentaro:
Pacific Electric
Railway Co.
Head, Oriental Division.
Okayama Prefecture.
I
Kiyota, Shoji:
Nisei (first
generation American-born Japanese), page to Prince and
Princess Chichibu.
Second son of Kiyota, Takeo.
Four years old.
Kumamoto Prefecture.
EXHIBIT NO. 95
PLATE NO. 16
A
Kishi, Yoshimatsu:
Official Automobile
Traffic Committee.
Wakayama Prefecture.
In 1940: Auditor, Santa Monica Japanese Association.
B
Kimura, Shonan:
Auditor, Dominguez
Hills Agricultural Association.
Vice president, Union Cut Flower Market, joint stock company.
Wakayama Prefecture.
In 1940:
Adviser, Southern
California Chamber of Commerce and Industry.
Adviser, Southern California Imperial Veterans.
C
Kuwabara, Eitaro:
Director, Southern
California Japanese Children's Home.
Vice president, Tokyo Peoples' Society.
D
Kitada, Sadaichi:
Managing director,
Downey Japanese Language School.
Head, Compton Agricultural Association.
Vice president. Federation of California Agricultural Association.
Wakayama Prefecture.
E
Kuroda, Kiyoko:
Metro Goldwyn Mayer
Motion Picture Studios.
Luncheon committee.
Wakayama Prefecture.
F
Kawanamita, Einojo:
Member, Los Angeles
Japan American Society.
Kagoshima Prefecture.
G
Kinoshita, Toyojiro:
Managing director,
Los Angeles Nichiren Kyokai.
Vice president, Aichi Prefectural Society.
Aichi Prefecture.
H
Kuromi, Torataro:
Director North
American Zenshuji (Buddhist Mission).
Shimane Prefecture.
I
Kuroyanagi, Gunpei:
Principal (former),
Central Japanese Language School.
Aichi Prefecture.
EXHIBIT NO. 96
PLATE NO. 17
A
Kato, Tokuchi:
Councillor, Okayama
Overseas Association.
Councillor, Koyasan Daishi Kyokai (Mission).
Okayama Prefecture.
B
Kunisaki, Jiro:
Board of directors,
vice chairman, Puente Industrial Association.
Board of directors, vice chairman, Puente Japanese Language School.
Fukuoka Prefecture.
C
Matsushita, Tomokichi:
Auditor, Los Angeles
Daishi Japanese Language School.
Vice president, Nikka Industrial Association.
Eighth Order of Merit.
Kumamoto Prefecture.
In 1940: Head, board of directors, Hokubeizen Zenshuji.
D
Kuwaki, Momotaru:
Director, Coyote
Pass Agricultural Association.
Director, Coyote Pass Japanese Language School.
Hiroshima Prefecture.
1940: Councillor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
E
Kiuda, Keiichi:
Member (Former), Los
Angeles Japanese Association.
Head, San Fernando Branch.
Councillor, San Fernando Agricultural Association.
Okayama Prefecture.
F
Matsuura, Hachizo:
Director, North
American Zenshuji.
Education director, San Fernando Showa Japanese Language School.
Eighth Order of Merit.
Tottori Prefecture.
G
Kyodo, Ginnosuke: Reporter, San Francisco New World Sun.
H
Maruyama, Eizo:
Member, Venice
Celery Farmers Association.
Director, Greater Japan Agriculture Society, North American Branch.
Eighth Order of Merit.
Taihaku Juyu Kosho (Honor).
Niigata Prefecture.
In 1940:
Board of directors,
member, Greater Japan Agricultural Association, North American Branch.
Adviser, Higashi Hongwanji Betsuin.
I
Mukaeda, Katsuma:
Welcoming committee
member.
Vice president, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Kumamoto Prefecture.
In 1940:
Adviser, Central
Japanese Association.
Councillor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Trustee, Southern California Association for the Preservation of
Japanese History.
Superintendent, Japanese Cultural Society.
Director, Japanese Cultural Society.
Honorary board, Hokubei Daijingu.
Honorary board, Beikoku Shinto Kyokai.
EXHIBIT NO. 97
PLATE NO. 20
A
Morioka, Shuki:
President, United
States Shinto Kyokai.
Instructor, Shinto main office.
Hiroshima Prefecture.
In 1940: President, Beikoku Shinto Kyokai.
B
Murakami, Nihei:
Director, Kumamoto
Overseas Branch Office.
Director, Puente Industrial Association.
Director, Puente Japanese Language School.
Kumamoto Prefecture.
C
Nakamura, Gongoro:
Welcoming reception,
committee.
Vice president, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Attorney.
Okinawa Prefecture.
In 1940:
President, Central
Japanese Association.
Councillor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Vice president, Los Angeles Japanese American Society.
Vice president and director, Japanese Cultural Society.
Adviser, Hokubeizen Zenshuji.
Adviser, Hokubei Kaijingu.
Honorary board, Beikoku Shinto Kyokai.
D
Morita, Motozo:
Education chairman,
Los Angeles Daishi Japanese Language School.
Okayama Prefecture.
E
Kogata, Benzo:
Former treasurer,
Miye Overseas Association Branch.
Eighth Order of Merit.
Seventh Achievement Degree.
Miye Prefecture.
F
Nakaki, Dr. Kiyohide:
Welcoming reception
committee.
Former council head. Southern California Japanese Chamber of Commerce.
Managing director, Hollywood Japanese Language School.
G
Motoike, Yoshiki:
Adviser, San
Fernando Japanese Language School.
Tottori Prefecture.
H
Nakamura, Tatsuji:
Welcoming committee
member.
Head, Long Beach Wholesale Association.
Eighth Order of Merit.
Kagoshima Prefecture,
I
Nakamura, Mankichi:
Welcoming reception
committee.
Former president, Hiroshima Prefectural Society,
Former president, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Attorney.
Hiroshima Prefecture.
In 1940:
Board of directors,
member, Central Japanese Association.
Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
EXHIBIT NO. 98
PLATE NO. 21
A
Nitta, Dr. Matsutaro:
Vice chairman,
welcoming committee.
Head, Sawtelle Japanese Language School.
Student, Kodokan (Jujitsu School of Tokyo, Japan).
Yamagata Prefecture.
B
Nakashima, Tsuruji:
Welcoming committee.
President, Western Star Fertilizing Co.
Councilor, Long Beach Japanese Association.
Kumamoto Prefecture.
C
Nojima, Nakasono:
Welcoming committee.
Former head, Japan-California Industrial Association.
President, North American Tottori Overseas Society.
Tottori Prefecture.
In 1940: Auditor, Gosan Zenneiji.
D
Nagamoto, Shozo:
Welcoming committee.
Director, Higashi Hongwanji Betsuin.
Director, Kumamoto Overseas Society Branch.
Kumamoto Prefecture.
In 1940:
Secretary, Central
Japanese Association.
Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Honorary board, Beikoku Shinto Kyokai.
E
Nakatsugawa, Kumaji:
Welcoming committee.
Managing director, Fukushima Overseas Society and Association.
Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Fukushima Prefecture.
In 1940: Auditor, Seinan Kyogikai (Southwest Discussion Club).
F
Noniyama, Ainosuke (?):
Welcoming committee.
Director, Los Angeles Kokugo Japanese Language School.
Councillor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Fukushima Prefecture.
In 1940: Board of directors, Los Angeles Methodist Church.
G
Hakano, Yujiro:
Welcoming committee.
Head, San Pedro Industrial Association.
Wakayama Prefecture.
H
Nakahara, Masaichi:
Welcoming committee.
President, San Pedro Japanese Association (former president).
Iwata Prefecture.
I
Nishimoto, Denshiro:
Welcoming committee.
Managing director, Hollywood Buddhist Society.
In 1940: Councillor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
EXHIBIT NO. 99
PLATE NO. 23
A
Nishiyasu, Yoshinaga:
Educational
chairman, San Fernando Japanese Language School.
Wakayama Prefecture.
B
Nishiyama, Yosaku:
Director, North
American Zenshuji.
Director, Smelsa Japanese Association.
Director, Talbert Japanese Language School.
Shizuoka Prefecture.
C
Noritake, Hajio: Okayama Prefecture.
D
Nishihama, Chizuko:
Participant,
welcoming inspection performance.
(Eldest daughter of Nishihama -- 10 years old.)
Wakayama Prefecture.
E
Nita, Masasuke:
Presentation,
asparagus growers.
Yamaguchi Prefecture.
F
Ozaki, Juji:
Lieutenant colonel,
military intendant.
Seventh Achievement Degree.
Sixth Order of Merit.
Shizuoka Prefecture.
G
Nishikawa, Junkichi:
Director, Higashi
Hongwanji Betsuin (Buddhist Mission).
Educational chairman. Harbor District Japanese Language School.
Hiroshima Prefecture.
H
Niitake, Kihei:
Presentation, citrus
plants to imperial household.
Yamaguchi Prefecture.
I
Okura, Momota:
Welcoming reception
committee.
Former president, San Pedro Japanese Association.
Director, Okayama Overseas Association Branch.
Eighth Order of Merit.
Seventh Achievement Degree.
Shizuoka Prefecture.
In 1940:
Board of directors.
Central Japanese Association.
Vice president, San Pedro Japanese Association.
Commandant, Southern California Imperial Veterans.
EXHIBIT NO. 100
PLATE NO. 25
A
Ohtori, Takuichi:
Director, Los
Angeles Hongwanji Betsuin (Buddhist Mission).
Councilor, Garden Grove Japanese Association.
Treasurer, Garden Grove Japanese Language School.
Hiroshima Prefecture.
In 1-940: Treasurer, Orange County Japanese Association.
B
Ogitani, Yoyojiro: Toyama Prefecture.
C
Oka, Mikihei:
Treasurer, Los
Angeles Hotel Association.
President, Southern California Fukuoka Prefectural Society.
Fukuoka Prefecture.
D
Orita, Setsuji:
Councilor, Burbank
District Agriculture Association.
Secretary, Los Angeles Daishi Japanese Language School.
Hiroshima Prefecture.
E
Ohashi, Mankichi:
Director, Los
Angeles Hongwanji Betsuin (Buddhist).
Director, California Allied Agricultural Association.
Vice president, San Fernando Valley Agricultural Association.
Hiroshima Prefecture.
F
Okada, Hikosaku:
President (former),
Santa Ana Japanese Association.
Managing director (former), Talbert Japanese Language School.
Director, North American Zenshuji (Buddhist Mission).
Shizuoka Prefecture.
G
Oka, Jiromatsu:
Director, North
American Zenshuji (Buddhist Mission).
Councillor, Burbank District Agricultural Association. '
Educational chairman. North Hollywood Japanese Language School.
Wakayama Prefecture.
H
Oka, Sojiro: Fukuoka Prefecture.
I
Okubo, Hanji:
Vice president.
Southwest Discussion Group.
Educational chairman, Senshin Japanese Language School.
Vice president, Toyama Prefectural Society.
Toyama Prefecture.
EXHIBIT NO. 101
PLATE NO. 26
A
Ohmura, Asa: Yamaguchi Prefecture.
B
Ohsedo, Tetsukyo:
Councillor, Burbank
District Agricultural Association,
Chairman, Los Angeles Daishi Japanese Language School -- education,
Hiroshima Prefecture.
C
Shoji, Takejiro:
Welcoming committee.
Eighth Order of Merit.
Tottori Prefecture.
D
Onishi, Junichi:
Director, Central
Japanese Language School.
Vice president. Southern California Wakayama Prefectural Society,
Wakayama Prefecture.
In 1940: Adviser, Koyasan Beikoku Betsuin.
E
Ozamoto, Keijiro (deceased):
Vice president
(Former) , Santa Monica Shinyu Kai.
Managing director (Former) , Santa Monica Japanese Language School.
Director, Los Angeles Hompa Hongwanji Bukkyo Kai (Buddhist Society).
Fukuoka Prefecture.
F
Satow, Yoshitaro:
Welcoming reception
committee.
President, Smelzer Japanese Association.
Shizuoka Prefecture.
G
Ohshita, Umejiro:
Director, Hongwanji
Betsuin -- Los Angeles.
Treasurer, Los Angeles Daishi Japanese Language School.
Yamaguchi Prefecture.
H
Sakamoto, Yoshiye:
Seventh Order of
Merit.
Seventh Achievement Degree.
Fukushima Prefecture.
I
Shimano, Kohei:
Managing director,
Southern California Japanese Schools Association.
Head, Los Angeles Daiichi Japanese Language School.
In 1940: Councillor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
EXHIBIT NO. 102
PLATE NO. 29
A
Sugimachi, Miyoshi (known as Madam Sugimachi -- now teaches voice; has
appeared in the Hollywood Bowl a few times):
Welcoming
entertainment committee.
Nagano Prefecture.
B
Susuki, Takeji:
Treasurer, Los
Angeles Christian Church Federation.
Treasurer, Venice Palms Celery Trade Association.
Vice president, Venice Palms Industrial Association.
Miyagi Prefecture.
C
Takagawa, Eizo (Kizo):
Adviser, Miye
Overseas Society North American Branch.
Assistant managing director. Greater Japan Shinto North American Branch
Office.
Eighth Order of Merit.
Miye Prefecture.
In 1940: Kizo Takiguchi, chairman, board of directors. Greater Japan
Agricultural Association, North American Branch.
D
Suetake, Wakataro:
Treasurer, Bocho
Overseas Association Branch.
Chairman, Venice-Palms Japanese Language School Education.
Yamaguchi Prefecture.
E
Suyama, Yasugoro:
Director, Los
Angeles Nichiren Kyokai.
Standing committee member, Nikka (Japan-California) Agricultural
Association.
Vice branch head, Okayama Overseas Society Branch.
Okayama Prefecture.
F
Tanigoshi, Katsutaro:
Vice chairman,
welcoming reception committee.
President, Southern California Central Japanese Association.
Wakayama Prefecture.
G
Suzuki, Aiko:
Welcoming inspection
performance appearance participant.
Shizuoka Prefecture.
Takeshi Suzuki, eldest daughter.
H
Takeda, Jisaburo:
Director, North
American Zenshuji.
Vice president, Fukui Prefectural Society.
Eighth Order of Merit.
1403 Gordon Street, Hempstead 0847.
Gardener by trade.
I
Takiguchi, Kizo:
Councilor, Greater
Japan Industrial Association.
Taiko Hakuju Yukosho (some award of merit).
Yamanashi Prefecture.
EXHIBIT NO. 103
PLATE NO. 34
A
Uyeno, Kosaki:
M. G. M. Motion
Picture Studio.
Luncheon committee.
Kumamoto Prefecture.
In 1940: Member of board of trustees, Southern California Chamber of
Commerce and Industry.
B
Umemoto, Toshiichi:
Secretary,
Venice-Palms Japanese Language School.
Wakayama Prefecture.
C
Utsuki, Harukichi:
Former treasurer,
Venice-Palms Japanese Language School.
Director, Los Angeles Nichiren Kyokai.
Director, Shizuoka Prefectural Society.
Shizuoka Prefecture.
D
Uyeda, Komataro: Kumamoto Prefecture.
E
Umeda, Sumi:
Welcoming inspection
performance appearance participant.
Hiroshima Prefecture.
Umeda Shujiro, eldest daughter.
F
Wada, Kamekichi:
Auditor, Moneta
Japanese Association.
Managing director, Lawndale Japanese Language School.
Eighth Order of Merit.
Yamaguchi Prefecture.
G
Uyeda, Toshiro: Kumamoto Prefecture.
H
Umeda, Chiyoko:
Welcoming inspection
performance appearance participant.
Hiroshima Prefecture.
10 years old.
(Shujiro Umeda, youngest daughter.)
I
Watanabe, Kazuichi:
Director (Former),
Watts Japanese Language School.
Managing director, Southern California Old People's Saving Association.
Assistant managing director, Showa Industrial Savings Association.
Okayama Prefecture.
In 1940: Board of directors, vice head, Koyasan Beikoku Betsuin.
EXHIBIT NO. 104
PLATE NO. 35
A
Wada, Yoshitaro:
Auditor (former),
Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Regulation head, Higashi Hongwanji Betsuin (Buddhist Mission).
Vice president, Fukuoka Prefectural Society.
Fukuoka Prefecture.
In 1940: Board of directors, vice head, Hokubei Jyodo Shu Kyokai.
B
Yamada, Fukeichi:
Councillor, Aichi
Prefectural Society.
Director, Puente Industrial Association.
Treasurer, Puente Japanese Language School.
Eighth Order of Merit.
Aichi Prefecture.
C
Yano, Fujizo:
Welcoming committee.
Board of directors, vice chairman, Los Angeles Hongwanji Betsuin,
Councillor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.'
Hiroshima Prefecture.
In 1940: Adviser, Hompa Hongwanji Rafu Betsuin.
D
Yamaguchi, Toyokichi:
Director, San
Fernando Valley Agricultural Association.
Director, San Fernando Valley Japanese Language School.
Eighth Order of Merit.
Seventh Achievement Degree.
Fukui Prefecture.
E
Yamaoka, Un:
Welcoming reception
committee.
President, Pasadena Japanese Association.
Aichi Prefecture.
F
Yamazaki, Den:
Welcoming committee.
Auditor, Los Angeles Hongwanji Betsuin.
Councillor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Hiroshima Prefecture.
G
Yamauchi, Tamasaburo (now in Japan):
Eighth Order of
Merit.
Seventh Achievement Degree.
Aichi Prefecture.
H
Yata, Heijiro:
Welcoming committee.
Auditor, Burbank District Agricultural Association.
Educational chairman, North Hollywood Japanese Language School.
Miye Prefecture.
I
Yoshino, Saiichi:
Welcoming committee
member.
President, Chiba Prefectural Society.
Director, Southern California Central Japanese Association,
Chiba Prefecture.
EXHIBIT NO. 105
PLATE NO. 37
A
Yanai, Kumakichi:
President (former),
Garden Grove Japanese Association.
Adviser, Koyasan Daishi Kyokai (Buddhist mission).
Managing director (assistant), Talbert Japanese Language School.
Kochi Prefecture.
B
Yoshimoto, Bunji;
Treasurer (former),
Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Assistant managing director, Kumamoto Overseas Branch.
Auditor, Los Angeles Building Joint Stock Co.
Kumamoto Prefecture.
C
Yanase, Tosaku: Kagoshima Prefecture.
D
Yoshikawa, Toyokichi:
Treasurer (former),
Talbert Japanese Language School.
Director, North American Zenshuji (Buddhist mission).
Shizuoka Prefecture.
E
Yoshimura, Keiichi:
Treasurer, Southwest
Discussion Group.
Treasurer, Celery Seedling Association.
Managing director, Los Angeles Japanese Language School.
Hiroshima Prefecture.
F
Kawano, Isamu:
Barker Bros.
Furniture Co., Inc.
Japanese department representative.
Eighth Order of Merit.
Ehime Prefecture.
G
Yoshimoto, Tomonoshin:
Director, Palos
Verdes Japanese Language School.
Yamaguchi Prefecture.
H
Yoshihara, Sahichi:
President, Southern
California Niigata Prefectural Society.
Niigata Prefecture.
I
Tanaka, Wasaji:
Nippon sign
proprietor.
Yamaguchi Prefecture.
EXHIBIT NO. 106
PLATE NO. 39
A
Ando, Yoshihisa:
Senior Sixth Rank.
Fifth Order of Merit.
Fifth Achievement Degree.
Tokyo.
B
Aoki, Baisaku: Nagano Prefecture.
C
Asari, Kakumatsu:
Asari Goldfish
Gardens.
Wakayama Prefecture.
D
Hori, Jinbei: Wakayama Prefecture.
E
--------------- ---------------:
North American
Zenshuji supervisor.
Yamaguchi Prefecture.
F
Ikoma, Minoru:
Welcoming-committee
member.
Nippon Yusen Kabushiki Kaisha, Los Angeles branch.
Tokyo.
G
Ito, Kimiyo:
Welcoming committee,
entertainment actor.
Osaka.
H
Kino, Tamisuke:
President, North
American Old Friends' Society.
Wakayama Prefecture.
I
Kibata, Tatsuo:
Doctor of medicine.
Okayama Prefecture.
J
Kiyomura, Chiki:
Welcoming committee
member, entertainment actor.
Kumamoto Prefecture.
K
Kojima, Sogoro:
Treasurer, Puente
Industrial Association.
Auditor, Puente Japanese Language School.
Okayama Prefecture.
L
Kusumoto, Rokuichi:
Superintendent,
Southern California Children's Home.
Oita Prefecture.
M
Mogi, Seigo:
Head (Former),
Southern California Chamber of Commerce.
Gumma Prefecture.
N
Miyagawa, Toshiichi:
Treasurer, Puente
Industrial Association.
Treasurer, Puente Japanese Language School.
Hiroshima Prefecture.
O
Ogawa, Risuke:
Auditor, Garden
Grove Japanese Association.
Director, Garden Grove Language School (Japanese).
Sixth Order of Merit.
Tokushima Prefecture.
SECTION
VIII
CENSUS OF JAPANESE IN THE UNITED STATES
The Japanese Government recently took a comprehensive census of all
Japanese residing in this country. It is obvious, of course, to what
uses the Japanese Government would be able to put this kind of
information. When we consider the fact that Issei (Japanese citizens)
and Nisei (American-born Japanese) alike have displayed the strongest
ties to Japan and to the Japanese Emperor, it is clear that such a
census could be useful only in aiding the Japanese Government to
strengthen the bond between itself and all those of Japanese
nationality residing in the United States.
A translation of one of the pages of this census is as follows:
Place of census: Los
Angeles
Name of Consular Service ----------
Name |
Sex |
Birth |
Marital
status |
Present
address |
Nishi, Masakichi |
Male |
February 1914 |
Divorced |
121 S. San
Pedro. |
Kobata, Kinjiro |
do |
November 1886 |
None |
Do. |
Sai, Yonezaburo |
do |
|
None |
Do. |
Kawabe, Tsuruhiko or Abe |
do |
|
Yes |
Do. |
Kawabe, Shigeko or Abe |
Female |
|
do |
Do. |
Kawawaki, Isamu |
Male |
November 1913 |
None |
Do. |
Kawaai, Iwamatsu or Kawai |
do |
February 1870 |
Yes |
Do. |
Ogawa, Seijiro |
do |
September 1888 |
do |
Do. |
Kameda, Ryunosuke |
do |
December 1875 |
Divorced |
Do. |
Watanabe, Shogo |
do |
March 1906 |
None |
Do. |
(Three pages of census blanks are reproduced on the following pages of
this volume, as exhibits Nos. 107-109.)
EXHIBIT NO. 107
EXHIBIT NO. 108
EXHIBIT NO. 109
Japanese American Citizens League Southern California Census (October
1, 1935)
SECTION IX
JAPANESE LANGUAGE SCHOOLS
The Japanese Government, working through the Japanese consuls and
allied agencies such as the Central Japanese Association, Japan Tourist
Bureau, Japanese Chamber of Commerce, and various other Japanese
organizations, has organized and financed Japanese language schools
throughout California. Investigation has revealed that in December 1941
there were 248 Japanese language schools, with 454 teachers and 19,310
pupils.
The purpose of the language schools, according to the Japanese, is to
encourage and perpetuate the Japanese language and culture among
Japanese living in the United States. Hitler has the same explanation
for the German language schools which have been operating in the
various headquarters of the German-American Bund.
Japanese language schools are operated in the following manner:
After their regular daily attendance in public schools, Japanese
children are taken to Japanese language schools in busses (Picture of
one such bus is shown on opposite page.) provided by these language
schools, where for two additional hours they are taught the Japanese
language and indoctrinated with Japanese ideals and traditions.
Instruction given these Japanese children is similar to the instruction
given to Japanese children in elementary schools in Japan. The
textbooks are printed in Japan and sent to the United States through
the Japanese Board of Education, which is a Japanese governmental
agency.
EXHIBIT NO. 110
Investigation disclosed the amazing fact that two sets of textbooks
exist for the Japanese language schools. One set, usually shown to
curious occidentals, contains no objectionable text whatsoever. It was
approved several years ago by the Department for Public Instruction.
However, practically every page of the other set preaches loyalty to
Japan and treason against the American Government.
Excerpts from textbooks which are for the exclusive use of Japanese are
unmistakable in purpose. National language and patriotism are stressed
to the point of exaggeration.
Concerning the Japanese language, one of these textbooks says {NOTE: The primary source for the following information can be found in this News Research Service Newsletter
of July 9, 1941.}:
In the unification
of the Japanese people who possess the proud and
noble Yamato spirit, the genuine Japanese language has always been the
most important instrument. The Japanese language is the spiritual blood
that circulates in all Japanese. Through it, they are unified.
This bond is so strong that it perpetuates an unbreakable chain. If a
great crisis should arise in the nation, the people would gladly
combine their energy for the country's best, despite hardship and even
death. And, if there is good news for us, the Japanese people from the
south and the north will sing the national anthem, "Kimigayowa," and
bless the nation for its fortune.
The Japanese language is like a lovely mother to all our people. From
our birth, this mother has held us on her lap and taught us nationalism
and appreciation of country. Passionate love of this mother is like the
sun in the sky.
As citizens of this country (Japan) and offsprings of this (Japanese)
nation, we admire its brilliance.
Our national language cannot be forgotten in our hearts, not even for a
single day, especially if we remember that we are children of gods.
The objective of Japanese education, no matter in what country it may
be, is to teach the people never to be ashamed of their Japanese
citizenship. First comes language, and then history. We must never
forget -- not even for a moment -- that we are Japanese citizens.
Loyalty to the Emperor is absolutely paramount according to the
teachings of the textbooks:
Our heavenly ruler
has governed our Empire for ages past and we are his
subjects. The Emperor's great predecessor, the Sun Goddess, in ancient
times went to her descendant Ninigi No Mikoto and issued a divine
command, telling him to go forth and found an empire upon the islands
of Japan. * * * The Imperial House is the center of our country and our
nation * * * With unified hearts let us pursue the path of
loyalty and
patriotism. There is no other country with such a royal lineage. Be
thankful you are a Japanese, and worship the Imperial family.
Our great Japanese Empire has been ruled for thousands of years by our
Heavenly Prince. Being his subjects, we all must continue steadfastly
on the road of our predecessors.
No other country in the world can compare with ours. It is our duty to
carry on the great spirit of loyalty to the Emperor and the Empress,
and to achieve their aims. We must also try to understand the
government of our nation and the problems confronting it. We must
really try our utmost in this, at all times, for it is our duty and our
job. We must do it with a big heart. We must love our country and our
Emperor. We must strengthen our body. We must study everything and be
diligent. We must never forget what we learn. If we do all this, we
will become good Japanese.
The eighth-grade pupils are given to understand that although Hawaii
belongs to the United States in body, the spirit and living habits are
Japanese:
Hawaii is known as a
possession of the United States of America, but
here the Japanese language is spoken just as you hear it in Yokohama.
Besides this, you see that about half of the entire crowd, welcoming
you, are Japanese. Also, you see among them many women in the Japanese
kimono and with the obi tied around their waists.
In the hotel, after you take a Japanese bath and get dressed, you can
hardly believe you are in a foreign country. Of Hawaii's 380,000
population, 150,000 are Japanese. They are engaged in farming,
flashing, commerce, and all sorts of business ventures. Hawaii's
development to its present stage is due to the Japanese. The fish this
hotel serves is caught by Japanese fishermen. * * * Coffee, sugar,
pineapple, and all other fruits are produced by the hands of Japanese.
The power of the Japanese language is stressed as extending in its
far-reaching importance even to North and South America:
The Japanese
residing in the United States of America and Brazil have
established Japanese language schools to teach their children the
Japanese language.
Under a God-Emperor of unbroken lineage, our nation became matchless in
the world, and it continues to move forward. * * * The Japanese
language is a ring of wedlock between the feelings and spirits of our
forefathers and ourselves, thus tying us together, today, as one
community of citizens. Had it not been for our Japanese language, our
ideals would by now have been scattered from place to place. Thus, as
we march forward in the time of national difficulty, we shout "banzai"
to cheer our Emperor, proud of our Japanese language and heritage. * *
* And so the Japanese language holds together all its citizens, no
matter where they may reside.
Those who forget the Japanese language are no longer Japanese. Respect
the Japanese language. Love the Japanese language. The national
language is the place where the spirits of citizens reside.
POSTGRADUATE COURSE
Once the Japanese-American leaves the Japanese-language school, contact
with him is maintained through an unending flow of pro-Japanese and
anti-American literature, and through lectures from Nipponese
government officials who travel in this country as private citizens.
Typical of the many books placed at the disposal of Japanese-Americans
is The Future Road of the Nisei, edited by Tsunegoro Horota, endorsed
by General Sugiyama, Chief of Staff, Japanese Army; and by Takashi
Suzuki, director of Kinmon Gakuin, leading Japanese-language school of
San Francisco. On pages 155 to 157, under the caption "Activities of
Nisei for Japan," appears:
According to recent
reports, several hundred
lectures have been delivered on the China incident by Nisei in America.
Many Nisei also returned to Japan with a mass of material, collected in
California.
Things of this sort are typical of the work performed in the past by
the Nisei for Japan. What they gain and what they do is by no means
unimportant. The Nisei
have made significant contributions to Japan, but in many cases these
facts must remain hidden. For example, when the
Seventh International Education Conference was held in Tokyo, the Nisei
proved themselves most valuable in many respects.
When the China incident occurred, it became necessary to broadcast to
the world the true news in the English language. At this most crucial
moment, the Nisei did the work by assuming responsibility as is
befitting great patriots. In connection with the rapid growth of
cultural societies in recent years, the Nisei have played an important
part through their work as translators, lecturers, travelers, etc. The
role of the Nisei, at the present moment, is of utmost importance, for
it is up to him to introduce Japanese culture and Japanese propaganda
abroad. Nisei always take the leadership. In the world where English
language newspapers and magazines are most influential, the Nisei are
in an excellent position to do their share. We have seen to it that
they shall be well prepared for their task.
The Nisei spirit is fostered in Los Angeles by the Rafu Shimpo, a
weekly newspaper also known as the Los Angeles Japanese Daily News.
This paper, printed in English and in Japanese, has a dual policy,
similar in nature to that of the two different sets of textbooks. The
English section reeks of patriotic sweetness, while the Japanese
section shows the true spirit of the paper. Typical is the following
article, printed in Japanese, captioned "Nisei Oversea Division":
We must help our
oversea brethren to accomplish the aim of the
Fatherland, the establishment of a Greater Asia. In the creation of an
enlightened Asia, every Japanese, all over the world, must become a
unit of one in the march forward.
Education of the Nisei, obviously enough, cannot be neglected.
Therefore, the Imperial Education Association has appropriated 100,000
yen for the purpose of positive Nisei education all over the world,
beginning this year. In cooperation with the Ministry of Education, the
Ministry for Foreign Affairs, and the Greater Asia Assisting Office, a
committee has been formed whose program will be (1) to make a careful
study of the present status of Nisei education and of the teaching
staff abroad; (2) to build a firmer foundation for Nisei education; and
(3) to send the most competent teaching staffs to all parts of the
world.
Many presently engaged in Nisei education abroad, desire to return
home. At the same time, a large number of teachers at home are anxious
to go abroad. Well planned handling of this situation will be most
advantageous. Everyone is anxiously awaiting the changes which have
been announced.
Prof. Ken Nakazawa, professor of oriental art and literature at the
University of Southern California, Los Angeles, is educational
coordinator and maintained an office in the suite of the Japanese
consul at 1151 South Broadway, Los Angeles. From this point Dr.
Nakazawa directed the operations of the majority of Japanese language
schools in the southern California area. The schools are financed by
contributions from local Japanese organizations and by regular monthly
dues assessed against the parents of the Japanese children. With
further reference to Dr. Nakazawa:
Dr. Nakazawa was born December 18, 1884, at Yanagawa City,
Fukushima-ken, Japan; father's name, Akiyoshi Goto; mother's name, Mei
Torii. The reason that Nakazawa has a family name is that he was
adopted by the Nakazawa family in Japan. He sailed for this country on
the steamship Doric
in 1906 from Yokohama. His passport on this
occasion was in the name of Goto, his real family name.
According to information. Dr. Nakazawa's records previous to 1918 were
destroyed in a fire at the Hotel Esmond in Portland, Oreg., in July
1918.
According to statements made by Dr. Nakazawa on his reentry
application, he had never made a return trip to Japan except the one in
1937 and that all records of his residence prior to 1918 were lost in
the above-mentioned fire.
He received his education at the University of Oregon. After his
graduation, he became very active in Christian circles and also wrote a
number of articles for McCall's magazine, among them being the Moon
Bird (issue of February 1924). Another article written by him appearing
in the same issue was Treatise on Scientific Tickling Dealing With
Poultry Raising. Also, Nakazawa had quite a reputation as a young
playwright and author, and seems to be quite an authority on oriental
music. As to his ability as a playwright, a number of his shorter plays
have been put on from time to time by different Japanese societies.
In his application for reentry, Nakazawa also revealed that his former
passport, with which he had entered this country, had also been
destroyed in the fire mentioned, and that he made a trip to Japan in
1937 on behalf of the Japanese Consular Service and for the purpose of
attending a pre-educational conference forum under the auspices of the
Department of Foreign Commerce of Japan.
Dr. Nakazawa had been holding down two positions, one as professor of
oriental literature and art at the University of Southern California,
lecturing during the morning classes, and in the afternoon did work in
the Japanese consular offices here and had been in their employ since
the year 1925.
Dr. Ken Nakazawa has been very active in all of the Japanese social and
cultural organizations in southern California and always came to the
front whenever anything anti-Japanese appeared contrary to his liking,
and seemed to have a great deal of influence upon the Nisei (first
generation American-born Japanese).
Dr. Nakazawa has been apprehended by the Federal Bureau of
Investigation and is being detained.
* * * * * * *
A committee investigator attended the Japanese language school at 2110
Corinth Avenue, Los Angeles, in the Little Tokyo area. Shiburo Shimano
was the instructor. A large frame picture of the Emperor was on the
classroom wall. In this connection mention is made of the fact that on
New Year's Day Japanese children in the language schools, including
Nisei, are required to face the east and bow, as though they were
bowing to the Emperor in Japan. {This is called yohai in Japanese.}
The salient points brought out during
each class period were: (1) That the Japanese race (Yamato) was
supreme, (2) that the Emperor was the "Son of Heaven," and (3) that the
Japanese race was destined to rule the world.
Investigation revealed that the most important Japanese language
schools in the Los Angeles area are as follows:
Japanese Language
School Association, 318 North Hewitt Street.
First Japanese-American Institute, 318 North Hewitt Street.
Japanese Language School, 2110 Corinth Avenue.
Rafu Dai-ni Gakuen, 1035 Fedora Street.
Chu-o Gakuen, 204 North Saratoga Street.
Choro Kyokai Gakuen, 4011 Clinton Street.
Baptist Gakuen, 2923 East Second Street.
Seikokai Gakuen, 961 South Mariposa.
Kiristokyo Gakuen, 822 East Twentieth Street.
Rafu Seinan Gakuen, 3500 South Normandie.
Fuji Gakuen, 2014 West Twenty-ninth Place.
Rafu Nihongo Chugakko, 119 North Central Avenue.
Hokubei Gakuen, 123 South Hewitt Street.
Senshin Gakuen, 1336 West 36th Place.
Kyoai Gakuen, 1444 West Thirty-seventh Street.
Guenei Gijuku, 734 Towne Avenue.
Hinomoto Gakuen, 117 North Saratoga Street.
Tamagawa Jiku, 3020 East Fourth Street.
Taiheiyo Bunkwa Kyoiku-kai, 501-7 South Cummings Street'.
Nanka Kyoritsu Gakuen, 506 North Evergreen Avenue.
Japanese Library, 117 North San Pedro Street.
The following information was obtained from Mr. Don Godkin, an American
citizen who attended Japanese-language schools in San Francisco and
Redwood City, Calif.:
Almost all the instructors at these Japanese-language schools are
either Issei (alien Japanese) or Kibei (American-born Japanese who have
been educated in Japan, and therefore for the most part are loyal to
Japan and Japanese ideals). Mr. Godkin stated that he has been brought
into contact with about eight of these Gakuen instructors and has found
them to be almost invariably very pro-Japanese and propound Japanese
doctrines and ideals to their students to as great an extent as
possible, and also encourage the students' participation in any purely
Japanese festivals or celebrations. Mr. Godkin stated that these
instructors are very rigid disciplinarians within these institutions
and encourage the American-born Japanese students to participate in the
Japanese arts and athletic endeavors, such as Judo and Sumo (two types
of Japanese wrestling) and Kendo (military fencing drill).
Mr. Godkin was questioned as to the number of hours a day these
American-born Japanese children are in attendance at these schools and
also as to the inclusive ages of the student body at these schools that
he had attended. Mr. Godkin stated that the classes were usually held
for a period of about 3 hours a day and that the ages ran from 4 to
about 20 years, and that to his knowledge, he was about the only white
boy who had ever attended these schools and who could make statements
about the teaching and conditions found in these schools.
Mr. Godkin also stated that at the present time, Kibei and Nisei
instructors are very prone to attempt to influence the students to
believe in the Nazi and Fascist ideals and doctrines because of the
fact of the tripartite pact between Japan, Italy, and Germany. In this
regard, Mr. Godkin stated that the oldest Issei instructor with whom he
had come in contact recently had stated on one occasion that it was the
manifest destiny of the Japanese Yamato race to rule the world, and
that also the Germanic and Japanese peoples had the same ends in view
and therefore should cooperate in arriving at their mutual and manifest
places at the top of the world's structure.
Also questioned as to whether he had ever observed any outright
un-American manifestations in these schools, Mr. Godkin answered that
the Japanese flags, both national and mercantile, are usually quite
prominently displayed on Japanese festive occasions, and that on many
Japanese national holidays, the pictures of the Emperor and Empress, as
well as the heir apparent to the Japanese imperial throne, are
unveiled, and at such times as these, the children sing the Japanese
national anthem, Kimi-Ga-Yo. In the Kinmon Gakuen in San Francisco, Mr.
Godkin states that these pictures are kept in a separate locked cabinet
and are only brought out to view on the aforementioned Japanese
holidays, but while he was in attendance at the Japanese Language
School at Redwood City, Calif., the pictures of the Emperor and Empress
were displayed in the front of the classroom in the center at the top
of the blackboard and were draped with the Japanese national colors.
Also at the present time at the Kinmon Gakuen in San Francisco,
pictures of Prince and Princess Chichibu, who are blood relations of
the Emperor and Empress, are prominently displayed in the classroom.
Mr. Godkin stated that at these Japanese language schools, many
Japanese national songs are sung, including the Japanese national
anthem, Kimi-Ga-Yo, and Suamono, which is a Japanese patriotic song
extolling the virtues of the Japanese military hero, Hidehoshi. Mr.
Godkin stated that on several occasions, when there have been so-called
joint patriotic festive ceremonies, the Japanese national colors have
been displayed on the right of the platform, rather than having our
national colors so displayed, and this has been true when ever Mr.,
Godkin has been in attendance at these ceremonies.
Mr. Godkin further stated that a considerable amount of time is spent
in these Japanese language schools teaching the history of Japan, with
particular emphasis placed upon Japanese national heroes and the
veneration which should be accorded the Emperor.
Concerning Japanese Shinto and Buddhist church sects Mr. Godkin gave
the following information:
A series of books are used at the Buddhist Hong-jai {Hongan-ji}, which
is the
largest Buddhist temple in the United States and belongs to the Zen
sect, which is the most nationalistic of the many Buddhist sects which
are in Japan, along with the Nichiden {Nichiren} sect, which is rather
closely
analogous to the Japanese national Shinto religion, and the covers of
these books have the Japanese flags rather prominently displayed
thereon as a background to a seated Bodhisattva. Mr. Godkin, who has
attended many of the Buddhist ceremonies in this church, said that
these books teach Emperor worship and tie Buddhism very closely to the
godlike qualities attributed to the Japanese imperial family. Mr.
Godkin believes that none of the Japanese Buddhists in the United
States is really loyal to the United States, and in this regard, Mr.
Godkin stated that the altar tablet at the Nichi Hong-jai {Nishi
Hongan-ji} in San
Francisco, which is the largest temple of the Nichiden {Nichiren} sect
in the
United States, has the following inscription in Japanese upon it: "Now
Let Us Worship Our Emperor Every Morning." Mr. Godkin stated that in
all Buddhist ceremonies held in the church every morning, the
congregation bows toward the east in veneration of the Japanese
Emperor, who is accorded the honor of being considered the
reincarnation of Buddha to this sect on earth.
Also with regard to the Buddhist temples, Mr. Godkin noticed that the
Japanese younger generation Sansei (second generation American-born
Japanese) are asked to contribute to miniature banks which are cast in
the shape of bombs and which are on the altar in these Japanese
Buddhist temples, and these children are encouraged to contribute all
their spare cash, pennies, and so forth, so that this money can be sent
to Japan to be used by the Japanese Imperial Government. Mr. Godkin
said that he has actually seen 25 of these banks on the altar in the
Nichi Hong-jai {Nishi Hongan-ji} Buddhist temple in San Francisco.
Mr. Godkin was also questioned as to the general attitude of the Nisei
with whom he had come in contact, and he stated that a number of them
had said that as soon as they were able to do so, they wished to go to
Japan to live and that at the first opportunity, they would desert the
United States and give up their American citizenship. One definite
statement in this regard was made by Mr. Godkin by a young
Nisei named Matsayoshi Masuda, who stated in substance that the whole
world will be and should be ruled by the Japanese and that he
considered the Americans to be an inferior race to the Japanese. This
young man up until a short time ago attended classes at the University
of California, Berkeley. The committee has obtained similar information
from other sources.
In addition to using the Japanese language schools for the purpose of
promulgating the Japanese language and culture and for the more
important reason of carrying on Japanese propaganda, the Japanese
Government has from time to time used the services of the graduates of
the Japanese language schools.
During the summer of 1938, the Intelligence Department of the Foreign
Office in Tokyo, Japan, sent a letter marked "Secret" to the principals
of every Japanese language school on the Pacific coast. The letter
called for 20 American-born Japanese to serve the Japanese Government.
Applicants were to be between the ages of 20 and 30 years -- either men
or women; have at least a high-school education and be graduates of a
Japanese language school. Their future capacity was to act as
correspondents for the Domei News Agency (official Japanese news
agency). They were to be stationed in China, Manchuria, Tokyo Foreign
Office, Manchurian Railway, etc.
In all, some 100 southern California Nisei (first generation
American-born Japanese) applied for the positions. Candidates were
obliged to take examinations in both English and Japanese, English
being regarded as the more important of the two languages. Letters of
recommendation were considered and each applicant was required to
interview the nearest Japanese consul. Applicants would be confirmed by
the local Japanese consulate. Upon confirmation, each applicant was to
be given the sum of $300 United States money as traveling expenses to
Japan, and upon arrival in Japan, an additional yen 150 was to be given
him for expenses. These applicants were to be sent to Japan not later
than September 1939.
Upon arrival in Japan, the applicants were to undergo a 2-year study
paid for by the Japanese Government, and upon graduation, would be
obliged to serve the Japanese Government for not less than 3 years,
with a salary of from yen 80 to yen 150 per month.
Among those chosen from southern California to go to Japan as
propaganda students were:
(1) Kay Tateishi, a
local columnist in one of the Japanese language
newspapers in Los Angeles;
(2) Tamaye Tsutsumida (female), Guadalupe (Post Office Box 113);
(3) Louise Furuya, of University of City of Los Angeles;
(4) Isamu Masuda (male), Orange County, Calif., who in 1938 won first
place in an oratorical contest sponsored by the Japanese American
Citizens League, in which the subject was Good Citizenship.
(NOTE. -- It is suggested that at this point excerpts from the Japanese
language school textbooks which have been forwarded to the committee be
made a part of this report.)
Immediately after the outbreak of the war, the Japanese language
schools were closed. On January 22, 1942, certain Japanese leaders
called upon the Honorable William Fleet Palmer, United States attorney
at Los Angeles, for the purpose of discussing the reopening of the
language schools. Mr. Palmer advised the Japanese leaders that the
Government would not allow the schools to use the same textbooks which
were used prior to the outbreak of the war. Reproduced below is a copy
of a news story regarding the Japanese leaders' talk with Mr. Palmer,
which appeared in the Los Angeles Times of January 23, 1942:
JAPANESE SEEK TO
REOPEN LANGUAGE SCHOOLS -- LEADERS TALK WITH PALMER --
UNITED STATES ATTORNEY POINTS OUT DANGERS OF USING BOOKS FROM NIPPON
Reopening of the Japanese language schools in southern California is
being sought here by leaders of the Japanese colony, it was learned
last night by the Times.
Japanese concerned with the management of the 248 schools with 19,000
pupils have already discussed the question of reopening the schools
with United States Attorney William Fleet Palmer, it was learned.
CLOSED VOLUNTARILY
The schools were closed voluntarily by the Japanese immediately after
the outbreak of the war with Japan. The schools are financed and
managed as private schools by Japanese without any supervision from the
city or State department of education, as provided for in the
constitution.
Palmer said he pointed out to Japanese who approached him in the matter
that the Government had no control over the schools but that the
Government was not going to allow the same textbooks used in the
schools.
These textbooks, it was said by officials, were prepared in Japan. It
was reported that the books taught Japanese customs, religion, and
traditions.
FACE TROUBLE
Emperor Hirohito is pictured as the leading citizen of the world, a
near God, in the textbooks.
"I advised the Japanese who conferred with me that they would be in bad
trouble if they continued to use their old textbooks if they reopened
the Japanese language schools," Palmer said.
Palmer explained that the Government has no control over the conduct of
such schools but that the Department of Justice is concerned with the
continuation of the propagation of what was viewed as Japanese
propaganda through the use of the old textbooks.
BOOKS CHEAPER
The Japanese, in admitting that the books were prepared in Japan, said
they got them cheaper than they could have them published in America.
One of the reasons given by Japanese for the reopening of the schools
is that the teachers are now unemployed and need the work.
Children attending the Japanese-language schools also attend the State
and city public schools, continuing their classes in the Japanese
language after public school hours.
As of February 1, 1942, the Japanese-language schools have not been
reopened.
{NOTE: For further data on Japanese language schools in Hawaii, see this excerpt from A Survey of Education in Hawaii (Dept. of Interior, Bureau of Education, 1920) entitled The Foreign Language Schools. Also from the same survey, see Contents of the Japanese Language School Textbooks. Japanese language school instruction posed a very serious problem in Hawaii as well as on the West Coast.}
SECTION X
CENTRAL JAPANESE ASSOCIATIONS
The Japanese Association of America was incorporated under the
California State laws in the year 1900. Headquarters for the
association were established in San Francisco for the following two
reasons: (1) In 1900, San Francisco was the center of the Japanese
population in the United States, and (2) the Japanese consulate general
for the west coast area was located in San Francisco.
The Japanese Association of America was organized under instructions of
the Japanese consul general and became the central organization for all
Japanese organizations in the various localities where Japanese had
colonized. In addition to its auxiliary associations, the association
was composed of such organizations as the Japanese farmers'
organizations, Japanese merchants' organizations, Japanese fishermen's
organizations, Japanese produce organizations, Japanese hotel men's
organizations, and various semi-Japanese governmental organizations,
such as Japanese veterans' groups.
A San Francisco section of the association was formed and became known
as the Central Japanese Association of Northern California, while a
similar organization was set up in the Los Angeles area and called the
Central Japanese Association of Southern California. Also, there is a
Central Japanese Association of Mexico, with branches in Mexico City,
Nogales, Mazatlan, Guadalajara, Juarez, Paulau, Tampico, Veracruz, and
Tapachula; and there are Japanese associations and organizations set up
by Tokyo in Cuba, Brazil, Peru, Bolivia, and Argentina.
During the years since 1900, the Japanese population has shifted from
the San Francisco area to southern California, especially to Los
Angeles County, with the result that the Central Japanese Association
of Southern California has gradually assumed more importance in the
Tokyo network. However, the national headquarters of the association
remained in San Francisco, for the reason, as previously stated, that
the Japanese consulate general was located there and remained there
despite efforts of Gongoro Nakamura, Sei Fujii, and Shungo Abe, leaders
in the Central Japanese Association of Southern California, to have the
national headquarters transferred to Los Angeles and to have a new
consulate general set up for the southern California area. The fact
that the consulate general was located in San Francisco caused the
leaders in the Central Japanese Association of Southern California to
make frequent trips to San Francisco for the purpose of conferring with
the consul general regarding important matters of policy which could
not be determined or decided by the Japanese Consul located in
Los
Angeles.
In 1940, the Japanese Government celebrated its 2,600th year as an
empire, at which time the (Japanese) government-sponsored Congress of
Overseas Japanese was held in Tokyo. This Congress had as its adviser,
Toshio Shiratori, Japan's No. 1 pro-Nazi. It naturally followed,
therefore, that the Congress would emulate the Nazi idea of holding a
meeting each year for its nationals who were living abroad. The Nazis
held such meetings at Stuttgart. At the Tokyo Congress, representatives
from southern California included Shunten Kumamoto, former president of
the Los Angeles Japanese Chamber of Commerce, Yaemon Minami, former
president of the Southern California Central Japanese Association, and
Tsuneshi Chino, of San Diego.
On the occasion of the 2,600th anniversary of Japan, Shiro Fujioka,
executive
secretary of the Central Japanese Association in Los Angeles, prepared
a report for the headquarters of the association in Japan. (Shiro
Fujioka was apprehended by the Federal Bureau of Investigation
and was still in custody as of January 1, 1942. Peggy Kaoru Fujioka, a
daughter of Shiro Fujioka, formerly worked for the Japanese Foreign
Office in Japan and the Japanese consulate in Los Angeles.) This
report,
entitled ''Central Japanese Association -- History" (a misnomer), was
published in Japan, where it was given wide dissemination. A few of the
more trusted members of the association in California were presented
with copies of the report, and a copy came into the hands of the
committee, parts of which have been translated. Facts concerning the
association's activities in behalf of Japan, as disclosed by the
translations, clearly indicate where the control of the association
lies.
In the introduction to the report, which bears the date, July 15, 1940,
Gongoro Nakamura, president of the association stated:
The idea of grateful
requital is one of the most beautiful spirits of
the Japanese.
The fortune of the country of Japan grows by day and month; the reason
is because there is only one Emperor of a single dynasty in the world,
and within the people, warm is the thought of requital for the Emperor,
the spirit of the entire country seething in accord.
Thus, the elders of the 50,000 Japanese in southern California, with
the Central Japanese Association of America as a central guide, as the
association's heads, the directors, and its supporters, enduring
hardships with dauntless spirit and earnestness work together in great
self-sacrifice. When we think of their pioneers' efforts, the
thought
of requital comes to our hearts. As a public service group retracing
the meritorious deeds and following in the footsteps of the pioneers in
respect and appreciation, we must keep up these efforts of
self-sacrifice and continue the great undertaking.
(Gongoro Nakamura is a graduate of a law school, but
not being a citizen is not allowed to practice law nor become a member
of the bar. He has an office in the Olympic Hotel, 117 North San Pedro
Street, Los Angeles, Calif. On May 4, 1941, Gongoro Nakamura appeared
at the Hollywood Bowl at the patriotic rally held there and made a
public pledge of loyalty to the United States of all Japanese, but in
spite of this "pledge of loyalty" his association of which he is
president, namely, the Central Japanese Association, according to an
article which appeared in the Japan-California Daily News, Japanese
language daily, stated that this association (May 4 issue) sent
$434,000 to Japan's war chest.)
As to whether the Central Japanese Association is an arm of the
Japanese Government, there can be no doubt. The following is quoted
from the report:
In Los Angeles,
August 1915, until the establishment of the Imperial
consulate, the Southern California Central Japanese Association was the
center of Japanese activity and its duties were both on the outside and
inside. This organization in one phase did the work of the consulate
and as was necessary at that time, the association was given permission
to give references (letters of introduction) to people, by the consul
general in San Francisco. Because of this permission, the association
gained quite a bit of compensation for their service and even after all
the expenses were paid, five to six hundred dollars were left over
monthly. This district took in from Venice, San Pedro, San Gabriel and
clear to Upland.
Thus it is seen that before the Japanese Government established a
consulate in southern California, the Central Japanese Association
acted as the Japanese Consul in this area. The first two or three pages
of the report contain pictures of all the Japanese consuls who have
served in the Los Angeles area, and also pictures of the important
leaders in the Central Japanese Association.
Page 45, of the report indicates that at a special meeting of the board
of directors, held on June 16, 1917, the following resolution,
authorizing and directing the establishment of a branch of the
association in Tokyo, was passed:
RESOLUTION
1. That a new Pacific coast affiliated Japanese Association office be
established, and also, a branch office be established in Tokyo with a
permanent representative (in charge).
Also, in this same connection, the following resolutions appear on page
96 of the report:
THIRD DIRECTORS'
MEETING -- MAY 7, 1921
Present: Kayano, Sakamoto, Itano, Yoshinaga, Mankichi, Nakamura,
Suechi, Hayashida, Morita, Yugawa, Niitani, Masatoshi Nakamura, Jiro
Fujioka.
RESOLUTIONS
1. In reference to the matter of China famine relief, that an order be
issued to all Japanese associations to accumulate all contributions
before the last day of June.
2. That the Tokyo branch (of the association) be continued.
3. That statistics in reference to countrymen (resident Japanese) be
prepared.
It appears, therefore, that as early as 1921, the Central Japanese
Association, with a branch in Tokyo, was compiling statistics regarding
Japanese citizens and aliens who were residing in the United States.
With further reference to Japan's interest in the Central Japanese
Association and the liaison existing between it and the Japanese
Government, page 100, bearing the date of 1921, is cited. The reference
concerns the resignation of Chief Secretary Sasamori because of his
return to Japan:
(After reciting the resignation of Chief Secretary Sasamori because of
his return to Japan):
Also, at the time of
his returning to Japan, (the following)
resolutions of the Pacific coast conference were in charge of the
central association:
1. The matter of special treatment of students returning to Japan.
2. The matter of the amendment of the Japanese national registration
law.
On both of these matters, he (Sasamori) was requested to make
representations to the officials in the fatherland (Japan).
It is clear from this excerpt that Chief Secretary Sasamori was
requested by the association to make representations to the Japanese
Government regarding Japanese.
On page 307 of the report, which is dated June 17, 1936, appears the
following information:
Under the
sponsorship of the 3 organizations, the consulate, the
Japanese Association of Los Angeles, and this association, the same as
every year, a congratulatory meeting was held at the Oriental Cafe for
all southern California college graduates. Some 150 persons were in
attendance, and President Nakamura, of the Japanese Association or Los
Angeles, was chairman. Kichitaro Muto, head of the Nichibei Kyokai, and
Maeda, representing the Central Japanese Association, Consul Hori and
Consul Ishii of Vancouver gave congratulatory speeches. Representing
the graduates, Ichiro Watanabe responded. Dr. Shuji Hara gave a talk on
second-generation health; Chizo Nagao rendered a piano solo, (the
meeting) was a complete success and disbanded in a pleasant atmosphere.
On page 402, the association, in discussing the possibility of
establishing a consulate general in Los Angeles, said:
(One of the policies decided upon at a meeting of the committee to
study a new Japanese-American Treaty, March 14, 1940.)
(2) The movement for
many years having been pending for the elevation
of the Los Angeles consulate to a consulate general, it would at this
time be opportune for Consul Yoshida to explain in detail the desires
of those in this area to Ambassador Horinouchi at the conference of
(Japanese) diplomats to be held in Washington.
The Central Japanese Association has contributed sums for the purpose
of fighting anti-alien fishing legislation in the State of California.
Page 68 of the report reads, in part, as follows:
In the year 1919 the
Central Japanese Association contributed $1,400 to
fight the anti-alien fishing legislation in Sacramento in that year.
The Central Japanese Association and its officers and members have also
been generous in their contributions to Japan's war chest. Note the
following quotation from page 309 of the report, bearing the date,
August 6, 1936:
After having 40
years of history since its establishment, Mr. Yayuemon
Minami, president of this association, contributed 10,000 yen, in
Japanese money, to the Imperial Military Assistance Association Fund
(endowment).
The Central Japanese Association and its leaders have not been reticent
in stating that they are loyal to Japan. Page 318 gives enlightening
information in this regard:
Regular general
meeting of association representatives February 19-20,
1939, held at the Kawafuku Tei (restaurant in Los Angeles).
(Excerpts from the opening speech of the meeting by President Minami.)
We stand in the vanguard of the advancement of our race, further, with
the enhancement of the national glory of Japan and desiring its even
greater progress and development, we must exert our best efforts.
The Central Japanese Association has contributed large sums of money to
the Japanese Government. In this regard, reference is made to page 333,
dated September 29, 1937, which reads, in part, as follows:
After a conference
between Vice President Mukaeda of this association,
President Shimizu of the Los Angeles Japanese Association, Auditor
Kumamoto of this association, and Chief Secretary Iseida, it was
revealed that contributions from southern California resident
countrymen, together with Japanese associations and all other
organizations -- accumulated "crisis contributions" totaling 255,660
yen, 90 sen -- had been transmitted to the Army and Navy officials in
sums of 27,830 yen, 45 sen each, through the local Los Angeles branch
of the Yokohama Specie Bank, the California Bank, and the branch of the
Sumitomo Bank.
The Central Japanese Association has contributed a plane for the use of
the Japanese Army and Navy. Note page 339, dated February 1938, which
reads, in part, as follows:
It was explained
that within the previous 5 months, from the activities
of the 21 southern California associations, as a result of efforts to
obtain contributions for an airplane for both the Army and the Navy, by
January 30 there were enough contributions to purchase one plane for
the (Japanese) Army, and at this time the support of the
representatives for contributions for a plane for the Navy was sought.
This was unanimously approved.
With further reference to the attitude of the Central Japanese
Association toward what it terms the China Incident attention is
directed to page 393, to the resolution which was passed at a regular
meeting of association representatives held February 16-17, 1940:
Regular general
meeting of association representatives February 16-17,
1940, held at the Kawafuku Tei (restaurant in Los Angeles).
(2d) A resolution of gratitude was adopted in reference to soldiers
killed in battle in the China incident and wounded officers and men,
and officers and men fighting on the front line. It was referred to a
drafting committee for the purpose of drafting a letter to be
dispatched by cable to the Minister of War and the Minister of Navy.
The committee members were: Soya Nishizaki, Jungo Abe, Sueji Nishimura,
Mankichi Nakamura, and Masahira Ishii.
On August 20, 1938, the Central Japanese Association was presented with
two Japanese flags and photographs of the so-called China incident by
Mrs. Furuzawa, head of the Japanese Navy Assistance League of Los
Angeles. This is mentioned on page 349:
The association was
given two flags of the Rising Sun (one flag a naval
flag) and photographs of the China incident and a number of fans by
Mrs.
Furuzawa.
At a regular meeting of the association held on February 17-18, 1939,
Gongoro Nakamura, president of the association, explained the "Day of
Commemoration" on page 357:
Regular meeting of
representatives, February 17-18, 1939.
Explanation of "Day of Commemoration" by President Nakamura.
"Henceforth we will remember the Chinese incident and the hardships of
the officers and men of the Imperial Army fighting on the front line.
The seventh day of every month will be a day of commemoration, on which
we will curtail our living expenses, and it is desired the money saved
be contributed to the Army and the Navy. Further, also on that day,
before the evening meal, we must say a prayer for the souls of those
soldiers who have died in battle."
In this same connection, the following is quoted from page 359, dated
February 17 and 18, 1939:
"We resident
countrymen from afar express our wholehearted gratitude to
the officers and men of the Imperial Army fighting throughout China for
the establishment of everlasting peace in East Asia, and we pledge
ourselves to hereafter exert more and more effort from behind the
lines."
The above was dispatched by cable to the War and Navy Departments."
Page 368, dated April 25, 1939, states that the Central Japanese
Association tendered a party to the newly arrived Ambassador Horiuchi:
Ambassador Horiuchi
and party were tendered a welcome meeting by this
association, the Los Angeles Japanese Association, and the Women's
League, jointly at the Ichifuji Cafe.
It is reported on page 369 that the officers of the Central Japanese
Association attended a celebration in honor of the Emperor's birthday:
The Emperor's
birthday celebration abroad (meaning in Los Angeles) was
held at the Japanese consular's residence and the president and
secretary of the association were in respectful attendance. The same
night at a felicitory meeting sponsored by the Los Angeles Japanese
Association, President Nakamura representing this association (the
Central Japanese Association) read aloud a felicitory letter.
As stated on page 374 (September 21, 1939), the association dispatched
a telegram on the occasion of the death of Kiju Matsumura, Imperial
consul at Portland:
Kiju Matsumura,
Imperial consul at Portland, died as a result of an
automobile accident while on a tour of inspection and a telegram of
condolence was dispatched.
Central Japanese Association has always welcomed and entertained
visiting Japanese Army and naval officers. Page 376, dated October 20,
1939, states:
General Terauchi and
party arrived in Los Angeles. President Nakamura,
Auditor Urashibata, and the chief secretary, representing the
association, welcomed the group at the station.
On October 20, 1939, the Central Japanese Association requested advice
as to the proper procedure for transmitting funds to the Japanese Army
and Navy Military Relief Department. The following is quoted from page
377:
A request was
received from Adviser Yayuemon Minami as to procedure for
transmitting to the Army and Navy Military Relief Department a
contribution of approximately 10,000 yen.
Since the beginning of Japan's campaign in China, the Central Japanese
Association and its subsidiaries have made systematic collections from
Japanese living in southern California. From August, 1937, to April,
1940, the association collected and forwarded to Japan $128,307.02 in
American money and ¥14,296.58 in Japanese money. The report gives a
detailed account of the amounts collected, sources of contributions,
and the purposes for which the moneys were raised. This information
appears on pages 418 to 424 of the report, and is as follows:
Long-term patriotic fund
contributions and crisis military service fund
contributions
From August 1937 to April 1940:
American money
$128,307.02
Japanese money ¥14,296.58
Items of account:
Long-term patriotic
fund contributions $115,724.04
Crisis military service fund contributions $12,582.98
Crisis military service fund contributions (Japanese
money) ¥14,296.
58
Los Angeles Japanese Association collections:
Long-term patriotic
fund contributions $34,240.58
Crisis military service fund contributions $970.06
Do ¥13,896.58
Total, American money $35,211.87
Total, Japanese money ¥13,896.58
San Bernardino Japanese Association collections: Long-term patriotic
fund contributions $2,653.00
San Luis Obispo Japanese Association collections:
Long-term patriotic fund contributions $6,984.15
Crisis military service fund contributions $55.00
Total $7,039.15
San Gabriel Heigen Produce Association collections: Long-term patriotic
fund contributions $1,362.00
San Pedro Japanese Association collections: Long-term patriotic fund
contributions $12,349.20
Smelsa Japanese Association collections:
Long-term patriotic fund contributions $1,762.00
(Japanese money) Crisis military service fund contributions ¥1,000.00
Lompoc Japanese Association collections:
Long-term patriotic
fund contributions $2,457.00
Crisis military service fund contributions $80.00
Total $2,537.00
Santa Barbara Japanese Association collections: Long-term patriotic
fund contributions $2,541.56
Venice-Palms Japanese Association collections:
Long-term patriotic fund contributions $906.50
Crisis military service fund contributions (Japanese money) ¥100.00
San Diego Japanese Association collections:
Long-term patriotic
fund contributions $7,377.73
Crisis military service fund contributions $95.00
Total $7,472.73
Gardena Heigen Japanese Association collections: Long-term patriotic
fund contributions $2,725.63
Central Imperial Heigen Japanese Association collections:
Long-term patriotic fund contributions $4,065.72
Crisis military service fund contributions $30.00
Total $4,095.72
Guadalupe Japanese Associations collections:
Long-term patriotic
fund contributions $17,848.80
Crisis military service fund contributions $403.65
Total - - $18,252.45
Teikoku Heigen Japanese Association collections:
Long-term patriotic
fund contributions $4,451.25
Crisis military service fund contributions $51.00
Total : $4,502.25
Long Beach Japanese Association collections:
Long term patriotic
fund contributions $2,462.24
Crisis military service fund contributions $10.00
Total : $2,472.24
Montebello Japanese Association collections: Long-term patriotic
contributions: $2,329.54
Pasadena Japanese Association collections: Long-term patriotic fund
contributions $3,075.36
Antelope Heigen Agricultural Association collections: Long-term
patriotic fund contributions $127.50
Southern California Kaha (?) County Association fraternal collections:
Long-term patriotic fund contributions $245.00
Potero Height Doshi Kai collections: Long-term patriotic fund
contributions $219.00
Los Angeles Japanese Barbers' Association collections: Long-term
patriotic fund contributions $547.00
Santa Maria Jugohoshi Kai collections: Long-term patriotic fund
contributions $2,073.00
Lomita-Walteria Patriotic Society collections: Long-term patriotic fund
contributions $738.00
Santa Ana Garden Grove Japanese Association collections: Crisis
military service fund contributions $698.50
San Gabriel Heigen Japanese Association collections: Crisis military
service fund contributions $1,008.00
Riverside Japanese Association collections: Crisis military service
service fund contributions $700.90
Norwalk Agricultural Produce Association collections: Crisis military
service fund contributions $1,738.00
Southern California Flower Market collections: Crisis military service
fund contributions $1,286.00
Arizona Japanese Association collections: Crisis military service fund
contributions $614.70
Orange County Japanese Association collections: Crisis military service
fund contributions $1,236.72
Oxnard Japanese Association collections: Crisis military service fund
contributions $1,174.50
Agricultural Produce Association collections: Crisis military service
fund contributions $326.50
Anaheim Japanese Language School collections: Crisis military service
fund contributions $146.00
Compton Buddhist School collections: Crisis military service fund
contributions $94.00
Costa Mesa Produce Association collections: Crisis military service
fund contributions $303.50
Pasadena Delphian Club collections: Crisis military service fund
contributions $10.00
Talbot Japanese Language School collections: Crisis military service
fund contributions $20.00
Brawley Methodist Episcopal Church Woman's Society collections: Crisis
military service fund contributions $30.00
Sierra Madre Japanese Language School collections: Long-term patriotic
fund contributions $28.00
Central Japanese Association of America office collections:
Long-term patriotic fund contributions $924.05
Crisis military service fund contributions $232.45
Total $1,156.50
¥100.00
MONEY FOR CRISIS BUNDLES
From all countrymen in Samar ¥140.12
Southern California Kagoshima Prefectural Women's Society ¥2,217.00
Santa Maria Joint Women's Societies ¥274.47
Brawley Buddhist Women's Association ¥620.44
San Bernardino Japanese Association ¥131.38
San Luis Obispo Buddhist Women's Association and Arroyo Grande Japanese
Language School Mothers' Society ¥884.67
Costa Mesa Produce Association and Japanese Language School ¥425.18
Total ¥4,746.26
While the Central Japanese Association was carrying on its
money-raising campaigns in behalf of the Japanese Government, and while
it was carrying on its espionage activities for the Japanese
Government, it had the temerity to publish and disseminate a pamphlet
entitled "Americanism." An examination of the pamphlet and an
examination of the report of the Central Japanese Association will
disclose that the Central Japanese Association was serving the cause of
Americanism with lip service only, while, on the other hand, in its
detailed report printed only in the Japanese language, it praised and
revered the Japanese Emperor, vowed allegiance to the Emperor, and made
every effort to raise money for the Japanese Government to swell its
war chest.
II
It has been pointed out that the Central Japanese Association dominates
the various Japanese organizations and groups which control the
Japanese in every community in which they live. The following question
presents itself: How does this parent body maintain such complete
control over the subsidiary organizations? With this question in mind,
the committee analyzed the offices which prominent leaders of the
Central Japanese Association held in the various subsidiary groups. The
analysis revealed that the leaders of the Central Japanese Association
are also the moving forces in the various smaller units. The evidence
of the interlocking directorate which exists is revealed in the
following study:
(This study was made on the
organizations as of their 1940 organizational set-up. Since that time
there has been a juggling of officers in an effort to confuse
governmental agencies which have been investigating Japanese
activities.)
Abe, Shungo:
Adviser, Central
Japanese Association.
President, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Vice president and director, Japanese Cultural Society.
Honorary board, Hokubei Daijingu (Shinto).
Managing director, Beikoku Shinto Kyokai (Shinto).
Fujii, Sei:
Adviser, Central
Japanese Association.
Vice president, Greater Japan Agricultural Association, North American
branch.
Adviser, Higashi Hongwanji Betsuin (Buddhist).
Adviser, Hokubeizen Zenshuji (Buddhist).
Adviser, Hokubein Daijingu (Shinto).
Honorary board, Beikoku Shinto Kyokai (Shinto).
Futamura, Kohji:
Auditor, Long Beach
Japanese Association.
Long Beach representative, Southern California Imperial Veterans.
Hamano, Yasuo:
Councilor, Los
Angeles Japanese Association.
Head of general affairs, Hokubeizen Zenshuji (Buddhist).
Hara, Hatsuji:
Councilor, Los
Angeles Japanese Association.
Treasurer, Los Angeles Japanese American Society.
Higashikuze, Masaye (Masae):
Councilor, Los
Angeles Japanese Association.
Member of board of trustees. Southern California Chamber of Commerce
and Industry.
Director, Japanese Cultural Society.
Ito, Takijiro (Takejiro):
Councilor, Los
Angeles Japanese Association.
Adviser, Hokubei Daijingu (Shinto).
Director, Hokubei Jyodo Shu Kyokai (Shinto).
Keneko, Kurakichi:
Councilor, Los
Angeles Japanese Association.
Head of board of directors, Hompa Hongwanji Rafu Betsuin (Buddhist).
Managing director, Beikoku Shinto Kyokai (Shinto).
Kato, Takechi:
Councilor, Los
Angeles Japanese Association.
Downtown representative, Southern California Imperial Veterans.
Kato, Tokuchi:
Councilor, Los
Angeles Japanese Association.
Treasurer, Beikoku Shinto Kyokai (Shinto).
Kazuhaya (Kazahaya), Katsuichi:
Councilor, Los
Angeles Japanese Association.
Head of board of directors, Koyasan Beikoku Betsuin (Buddhist).
Honorary board, Beikoku Shinto Kyokai (Shinto).
Kono, Katsuya:
Vice president, Los
Angeles Japanese Association.
Treasurer, Hompa Hongwanji Rafu Betsuin (Buddhist).
Kumamoto, Shunten:
Councilor, Los
Angeles Japanese Association.
Member of board of trustees. Southern California Chamber of Commerce
and Industry.
Member of board of directors. Greater Japan Agricultural Association,
North American branch.
Secretary and director, Japanese Cultural Society.
Vice head, board of directors, Koyasan Beikoku Betsuin (Buddhist).
Managing director, Hokubei Daijingu (Shinto).
Honorary board, Beikoku Shinto Kyokai (Shinto).
Minami, Yaemon (Yayemon) (Yayuemon):
Adviser, Central
Japanese Association.
Member of board of trustees, Southern California Chamber of Commerce
and Industry.
Member of board of directors, Greater Japan Agricultural Association,
North American branch.
Director, Japanese Cultural Society.
Adviser, Hokubeizen Zenshuji (Buddhist).
Adviser, Hokubei Daijingu (Shinto).
Honorary board, Beikoku Shinto Kyokai (Shinto).
Mukaeda, Katsuma:
Adviser, Central
Japanese Association.
Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Trustee, Southern California Association for the Preservation of
Japanese History.
Superintendent and director, Japanese Cultural Society.
Honorary board, Hokubei Daijingu (Shinto).
Honorary board, Beikoku Shinto Kyokai (Shinto).
Murata, Shunichi:
Councilor, Los
Angeles Japanese Association.
Member of board of trustees, Southern California Chamber of Commerce
and Industry.
Treasurer, Southern California Association for the Preservation of
Japanese History.
Vice President and Secretary, Japanese Cultural Society.
Director, Japanese Cultural Society.
Vice head of directors, Hokubeizen Zenshuji (Buddhist).
Murata, Suematsu:
Member of board of
directors. Central Japanese Association.
Vice head of board of directors, Higashi Hongwanji Betsuin (Buddhist).
Muto, Kichitaro:
Vice President,
Central Japanese Association.
Councilor. Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Trustee, Southern California Association for the Preservation of
Japanese History.
President, board of maintenance, Higashi Hongwanji Betsuin (Buddhist).
Nagamoto, Shozo:
Secretary, Central
Japanese Association.
Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Honorary board, Beikoku Shinto Kyokai (Shinto).
Nakamura, Gongoro:
President, Central
Japanese Association.
Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Vice president, Los Angeles Japanese American Society.
Vice president and director, Japanese Cultural Society.
Adviser, Hokubeizen Zenshuji (Buddhist).
Adviser, Hokubei Daijingu (Shinto).
Honorary board, Beikoku Shinto Kyokai (Shinto).
Nakamura, Kanta (Kenta):
Councilor, Los
Angeles Japanese Association.
Member of board of directors, Rafu Nichiren Shu Kyokai.
Okura, Momota:
Board of directors.
Central Japanese Association.
Vice president, San Pedro Japanese Association.
Commandant, Southern California Imperial Veterans.
Sasahara, Yoshitaro:
Councilor, Los
Angeles Japanese Association.
Vice head, board of directors, Hompa Hongwanji Rafu Betsuin (Buddhist).
Honorary board, Beikoku Shinto Kyokai (Shinto).
Sasashima, Hideki:
Councilor, Los
Angeles Japanese Association.
Treasurer, Southern California Chamber of Commerce and Industry.
Board of trustees, Southern California Chamber of Commerce and Industry.
Special treasurer, Hompa Hongwanji Rafu Betsuin (Buddhist).
Managing director, Hompa Hongwanji Betsuin Nichiyo Gakko (Shinto).
Sato, Saburo:
Councilor, Los
Angeles Japanese Association.
Vice head, board of directors, Gosan Zenneiji (Buddhist).
Sato, Takeo:
Councilor, Los
Angeles Japanese Association.
Member of board of directors. Southern California Chamber of Commerce
and Industry.
Director, Japanese Cultural Society.
Shirakawa, Choichiro:
Councilor, Los
Angeles Japanese Association.
Assistant treasurer, Southern California Imperial Veterans.
Tada, Kinichi:
Councilor, Los
Angeles Japanese Association.
Board of trustees, Southern California Chamber of Commerce and Industry.
Takata, Geichi (Giichi):
Councilor, Los
Angeles Japanese Association.
Honorary board, Beikoku Shinto Kyokai (Shinto).
Toba, Kotaro:
Councilor, Los
Angeles Japanese Association.
Board of trustees. Southern California Chamber of Commerce and Industry.
Director, Japanese Cultural Society.
Tomio, Tomozo (Tomoyo) (Tamazo):
Councilor, Los
Angeles Japanese Association.
Adviser, Koyasan Beikoku Betsuin (Buddhist).
Adviser, Hokubei Daijingu (Shinto).
Honorary board, Beikoku Shinto Kyokai (Shinto).
Tsunekawa, Senemon:
Councilor, Los
Angeles Japanese Association.
Vice head, board of directors, Higashi Hongwanji Betsuin (Buddhist).
Watanabe, Chiyozaburo:
Vice president,
South Pasadena Japanese Association.
Treasurer, Japanese Patriotic League, South Pasadena Japanese
Association.
Urushibata, Kohjiro (Koujiro):
Adviser, San Pedro
Japanese Association.
Head, board of directors, Rafu Nichiren Shu Kyokai (Buddhist).
III
There are several Japanese newspapers published in San Francisco, the
two leading ones being the Japanese-American News and the San
Francisco New World Sun. From time to time news items appearing in
Japanese papers in San Francisco have been translated, a few of which
items, chiefly concerning Japanese associations, are as follows:
Thirty-two bales of
tinfoil were shipped to Japan through the Japanese
Consulate general and were contributed by the Japanese associations of
Fresno, Utah, Kern County, Delano, and San Benito.
The Sonoma County Japanese Association announces a drive for the
collection of tinfoil for shipment to Japan.
The Central California Japanese Association announces the collection
and transmission to the War Ministry the sum of $3,542.05.
Japanese Association also supervised the assemblage of packages to be
sent to soldiers of the Japanese Army in China and the collection of
tinfoil. (At one time a huge pile of bundles for the soldiers was
accumulated at the Japanese Association headquarters in San Francisco.)
When the order freezing Japanese assets was issued, Japanese
Association of San Francisco announced that because of difficulties of
transmission, it would no longer accept contributions of tinfoil to be
sent to Japan.
Officers of the Japanese associations are very much in evidence on
Tenchosetsu (Emperor's birthday) and visit consular residence, bow in
obeisance before photographs of Emperor and Empress, drink toast in
ceremonial wine.
Japanese associations now engaged in collecting emergency funds in view
of critical times.
Japanese oil tanker crew given sightseeing tour by Japanese Association
of San Francisco (April 1, 1941).
Oil tanker Erimo Maru
sailed after sightseeing tour tendered crew.
Crew
of Nisshin Maru
entertained.
In May 1936, Tatsuki Sakada, president of the Courtland Japanese
Association, returned to America with several American-born Japanese
whose return he sponsored and reported on his efforts on behalf of
Kibei movement.
Sponsored by the Kern County Japanese Association, a meeting of first
and second generation Japanese was held with 24 first generation and 51
second generation Japanese in attendance. The chairman of the meeting
was Seizo Takemoto, and the discussion concerned employment, Japanese
language studies, and marriage.
Japanese Association of Los Angeles tendered a banquet to the
presidents of all of the Japanese associations in the Los Angeles area.
(The banquet was held at the Shogetsu Tei, 258 Jackson St., Los
Angeles, Calif.)
Kenji Nakauchi, new consul of Los Angeles, was met by Nakamura and
Mukaeda, presidents of both Japanese associations and H. T. Komai,
editor and publisher of the Rafu Shimpo (a Japanese-language newspaper
published in Los Angeles), together with about 100 representatives of
all Japanese organizations, when he arrived on the 9 o'clock train.
From the foregoing news items, it will be noted that the activities of
the Central Japanese Association have extended over the entire Western
Hemisphere and that Japanese associations are organized in all
localities where Japanese have colonized in any numbers.
It will be seen from the facts outlined in this section --
(1) That the
Japanese Government controls the operations of an
important Japanese agency in the United States;
(2) That this agency is the Central Japanese Association;
(3) That the Central Japanese Association has subsidiary associations
located throughout the Western Hemisphere;
(4) That the control so exercised by the Japanese Government is
effected through Japanese diplomatic and consular officials;
(5) That the parent organization, the Central Japanese Association, is
able to maintain control over its subsidiaries and all organized
Japanese groups and all Japanese officials in any way connected
therewith, by the giving of favors, such as securing agencies in the
United States for Japanese firms, by conferring honorary Japanese
titles on Japanese leaders, by monetary gifts, and so forth.
It will also be seen that the functions of the Central Japanese
Association are:
(1) To instill in
its members an undying loyalty to the Japanese
Government, to the Emperor, and to the Japanese language and traditions;
(2) To raise money for the Japanese Government and its war chest;
(3) To cooperate with and assist Japanese diplomatic and consular
officials; and
(4) To keep the entire Japanese community under control, thereby
serving Japan's interests in America.
IV
The organizational set-up of the Central Japanese Association of
Southern California, in 1940, was as follows:
President: Gongoro
Nakamura.
Vice presidents Kichitaro Muto, Isao Tojima, Shiroichi Koyama.
Secretaries: Kazuichi Hashimoto, Shozo Nagamoto, Kinji Nishi, Seikichi
Aihara, Yoshisuke Hatanaka.
Board of directors: Shigetoshi Fujii, Masunosuke Otsui, Gentaro Bessho,
Chotaro Fujita, Suetsugu Nishimura, Tametsugu Okubo, Shoten Kumamoto,
Jihei Kuga, Koslairo Umekubo, Mankichi Nakamura, Tatsuo Abe, Hachiro
Mizuzaki, Gyujiro Arita, Mitsuji Furuta, Suematsu Murata, Kantaro
Inouye, Kikuhei Fujimoto, Shuntaro Yamashita, Momota Okura.
Advisers: Yayuemon Minami, Katsuma Mukaeda, Sei Fujii, Shungo Abe, Koh
Murai.
Under the Central Japanese Association, the organizational set-up of
other important Japanese organizations, in 1940, were as follows:
SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA IMPERIAL VETERANS, 129½ East First Street, Los
Angeles, Calif.:
Advisers: Tadayoshi
Furukawa, Shonen Kimura, Hiroshi Suzuki.
Commandants: Dr. Rikita Honda, Momota Okura, Harunori Nagamine,
Sadamatsu Tanaka.
Chief secretary: Naoshi Nakamura.
Assistant secretary: Sokichi Tabata.
Chief treasurer: Yoshinori Kuwada.
Assistant treasurer: Choichiro Shirakawa.
Director of reports and information: Sokichi Tabata.
Director of personnel: Tanzo Miyake.
Directors of headquarters: Sakutaro Kubota, Tetsuzo Sawataki, Kametaro
Iwata, Futaro Hiraiwa.
Downtown representative: Takichi Kato.
Boyle Heights representative: Kichigoro Yoshimura.
Hollywood representative: Tamasaburo Yamauchi.
Uptown representative: Riemon Nishida.
Pasadena representative: Ukichi Kokura.
West Los Angeles representative: Uekichi Takagi.
Gardena representative: Haruichi Kijima.
San Pedro representative: Kuichi Izumi.
Huntington Beach representative: Kamenosuke Aoki.
Long Beach representative: Koji Futamura.
JAPANESE CULTURAL SOCIETY, 355 East First Street, Los Angeles, Calif.:
President: Shintaro
Fukushima.
Vice presidents: Gongoro Nakanuira, Shungo Abe, Shunichi Murata.
Secretaries: Shunsui Seki, Shunten Kumamoto, Shunichi Murata,
Superintendent: Katsuma Mukaeda.
Directors:
Shintaro Fukushiina, Kojin Tanaka, Gongoro Nakamura, Shungo Abe,
Shunichi Murata, Shunten Kumamoto, Kozo Miyabe, Masaye Higashikuze,
Kotaro Toba, Takeo Sato, Yutaka Kubota, Ryuji Tatsuno, Eiji Tanabe, Ken
Nakazawa, Iku Akashi, Yayuemon Mmami, Katsuma Mukaeda.
LOS ANGELES JAPANESE AMERICAN SOCIETY, 436 South Boyle Avenue, Los
Angeles, Calif.:
President: Louise
Ward Watkins.
Vice presidents: Gongoro Nakamura, Dr. Yorinori Kukichi, C. H. Matson,
Nellie G. Oliver.
Secretaries: Maraget Hara, Mrs. Nimumo.
Treasurer: Hatsuji Hara.
SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA CHAMBER OF COMMERCE AND INDUSTRY, 100 South San
Pedro Street, Los Angeles, Calif.:
President: Shinichi
Murata.
Vice presidents: Minoru Hori, Shinkichi Osada.
Treasurers: Hideki Sasashima, Sadagoro Hoshizaki.
Auditors: Mitsuhiko Shimizu, Shoji Naruse.
Board of Trustees: Iku Akashi, chairman.
Secretaries: Takeo
Tada, Ryoichi Ishioka, Reiko Hanade.
Members: Bungoro Mori, Toyosaka Komai, Seishiro Fujioka, Shinichi
Murata, Kinichi Tada, Kotaro Toba, Takeo Sato, Masaye Higashikuze,
Kobato Ota, Matajiro Hasegawa, Susumu Kohoshi, Minoru Hori, Sadagoro
Hoshizaki, Tanesaburo Saji, Kosaku Uyeno, Mitsuhiko Shimizu, Shunten
Kumamoto, Kametareo Akiyama, Masajiro Kai, Takayoshi Karakani,
Tsuruhiko Abe, Zuizaburo Yuzawa, Takoichi Murakami, Kenzo Nakatsuka,
Shinkichi Osada, Shoji Naruse, Toraichi Abe, Hideki Sasashima, Yayuemon
Minami, Masami Sasaki, Tsuneshi Kayano, Susumu Hasuike, Masataka Zaima,
Chimata Tsunoda, Ruka Takahashi, Shinji Kawamura, Toraichi Kaku, Takeo
Koshiro, Isaburo Okada.
Advisers: Bungoro Mori, Shonan Kimura, Seishiro Fujioka, Clarence
Matson, Judge K. Gotfield.
Director of trade: Shunosuke Komatsu.
Assistants: Kay
Sugahara, Tadashi Hori.
Director of industry: Morizo Yokomizo.
Assistants:
Shigemitsu Ando, Sadao Okumoto.
Director of investigation: Ban Osa.
Assistants: Eiji
Tanabe, Fred Tayama.
Director of social relations: Hitoshi Fukui.
Assistants: Kiyoshi
Okura, Masao Satow.
Director of promotion: Koh Matsuzaki.
Assistants: Togo
Tanaka, Ken Matsumoto.
Director of commercial affairs: Tadashi Shimada.
Assistants: Kiyoshi
Hori, Yuji Shiozuka.
Director of information: Kichitaro Kurata.
Assistants: Makoto
Takeno, George Morey (Mori).
SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA ASSOCIATION FOR THE PRESERVATION OF JAPANESE
HISTORY, 315 East First Street, Los Angeles, Calif.:
President:
(honorary), Consul Shintaro Fukushima.
President: Masajiro Kai.
Treasurer: Shunichi Murata, Shiro Nakamura.
Trustees: Toyosaku Komai, Kichitaro Muto, Katsuma IMukaeda.
Managing editor: Dr. Sakae Suski.
LOS ANGELES JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, 117 North San Pedro Street, Los
Angeles, Calif.:
President: Shungo
Abe.
Vice presidents: Koshiro Umekubo, Fusataro Nakaya, Katsuma Kono, Kakuo
Tanaka.
Treasurers: Meijiro Sato, Tameichi Asano.
Auditors: Jimbei Hori, Hideo Okada, Kotaro Sakakura, Kenjiro Shinozaki.
Executive secretary : Shuichi Sasaki.
Councilors: Shunten Kumamoto, Masaji Ito, Jiro Fujioka, Genichiro
Iwasaki, Shozo Nagamoto, Kurakichi Kaneko, Takechi Kato, Tokuchi Kato,
Katsuichi Kazahaya, Taiji Kita, Kyuji Komai, Mitsubu Amano, Ukitaro
Aratani, Junji Asakura, Momotaru Kuwaki, Kintaro Asano, Sukehichi
Maruyama, Yosaku Miyabe, Tatsuzo Furukawa, Shigetaro Miyazaki, Toto
Moroto, Hatsuji Hara, Katsuma Mukaeda, Shunichi Murata, Kichitaro Muto,
Tomoyo Tomio, Gongoro Nakamura, Shinsuke Wakabayashi, Mankichi
Nakamura, Kempei Watanabe, Itaro Yamano, Denshiro Nishimoto, Kametaro
Akiyama, Tomomi Yamashita, Hyoshiro Nomura, Yasuo Hamano, Geichi
Takata, Tametsu, Odera, Hideki Sasashima, Miyakichi Sato, Saburo Sato,
Sekijiro Shimahara, Kohei Shimano, Mitshuhiko Shimizu, Hideo Shirai,
Junichi Sngihara, Seichro Takeda, Takeo Sato, Kyuichi Sasaki, Yoshitaro
Sasahara, Masataro Kido, Kotaro Toba, Masamichi Yamamoto, Hideo Okada,
Komao Sasamoto, Masaye Higashikuze, Yoshitaka Hoda, Choichiro
Shirakawa, Byohei Takeshita, Senemon Tsunekawa, Kinichi Tada, Takijiro
Ito, Kanta Nakamura, Takeo Tsumura, Takeo Miyake, Chozo Watanabe,
Tokujiro Tokata, Kazuo Kimura.
PASADENA JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, 56 West Del Mar Street, Pasadena, Calif.:
President: Suetsumi
Nichimura.
Vice presidents: T. Sakaguchi, Hichitaro Takayama, Otaro Kurokawa.
Treasurers: Takucihi Izumi, Kazuichi Hashizuma, Jiro Merita.
Auditors: Shichiro Hayakawa, Nimpo Tsushima.
Director of Education: Kiyogi Mikuri.
Assistant: Motojiro Iwata.
Secretary: Yayemitsu Sugimachi.
SANTA BARBARA JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, 131 East Canon Perdido, Santa
Barbara, Calif.:
President: Kikuhei
Fujimoto.
Vice president: Kuraichi Tamura.
Secretary-treasurer: Imasaji Ujie.
Board of trustees: Takasumi Asakura, Kanazuchi Fujii, Hideo Fukushima,
Kanezo Furukawa, Kinujiro Imai, Yonezo Inouye, Shigezo Koga, Tomoyo
Kuroki, Hambei Nakayama, Masanori Takano, Kichigoro Takizaki, Tsuneo
Takeuchi, Masao Kamizaka, Suetezo Yamada.
IMPERIAL VALLEY JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, post-office box 1228, Brawley,
Calif.:
President: Yoshisuke
Hatanaka.
Vice president: Tamihei Hamajima.
Niland vice president: Zensuke Uchimiya.
Treasurers: Fuyutaro Nakamura, Yasunosuke Honda.
Auditors: Sakaemon Sato, Hiroshi Aizawa.
Agricultural chairman: Tomohachi Miyagi.
Commercial chairman: Terumi Takahashi.
Young people's chairman: Hidemaro Kubo.
Secretary: Shohachi Nishizaki.
GARDENA JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, 15912 South Western Avenue, Moneta,
Calif.:
President: Isao
Tojima.
Vice presidents: Shigetoshi Fujii, Shigenaga Kawata, Shinji Shigenaka,
Kichinosuke Ikegoe.
Treasurers: Benzo Tadokoro, Gisaburo Minami.
Auditors: Gohemon Higashi, Kentaro Uyeda, Yasoichi Miyawaki, Yasuhisa
Matsumura, Masamitsu.
Secretary: Tsutomu Ozamoto.
SOUTH PASADENA JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, 917 Meridian Avenue, South
Pasadena, Calif.:
President: Shimato
Shimazu.
Vice president: Chiyozaburo Watanabe.
Treasurers: Kiyoto Shigeichi, Magoichi Yusa.
Auditors: Minekichi Mukae, Yuzaburo Yamanaka.
Japanese patriotic league:
Treasurer:
Chiyozaburo Watanabe.
Secretary: Yoshihisa Yamanaka.
SANTA MONICA JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, 1824 Sixteenth Street, Santa Monica,
Calif.:
President: Senkichi
Shikami.
Vice presidents: Kametaro Naoye, Shigetomo Sasa.
Treasurers: Nakasuke Nakamishi, Toyoshige Mayeda.
Auditors: Ichijiro Sakata, Yoshimatsu Kishi.
Secretary: Kumaji Ikenaga.
MONTEBELLO JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, 1125 South Maple Avenue, Montebello,
Calif., post office box 128, Montebello, Calif.:
President: Gentaro
Bessho.
Vice president: Kuniji Watanabe.
Treasurers: Mataji Yoshii, Masao Kubota.
Auditors: Otegora Muranaka, Shinichi Sasaki, Shohichi Morimoto.
Secretary: Sanzo Uyeyama.
SAN PEDRO JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, 642 Tuna Street, Terminal Island,
Calif.:
President: Kazuichi
Hashimoto.
Vice presidents: Yosaburo Hama, Momota Okura, Kojiro Kawachi.
Treasurers: Akimatsu Nakamura, Yasutaro Tanaka.
Auditors: Tetsunosuke Koiso, Shintaro Nakagawa.
Secretary: Shigemasa Hiraga.
Advisers: Kohjiro Urushibata, Yoichiro Okuyama, Isahei Hatashita.
DOWNEY JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, route 1, box 278 B. Bellflower, Calif.:
President: Tsunetaro
Kogawa.
Vice presidents: Saburo Tanaka, Aikichi Arikawa.
Treasurers: Tamehachi Hayashida, Tatsunosuke Horikiri.
Auditors: Kohei Yoshida, Sotaro Hokoyama.
Head of agriculture: Alatakichi Saito.
Assistant: Komao
Kinoshita.
Head of social relations: Hito Yoshita.
Assistant: Seiryu
Nishimura.
Supporters: Saito, Nagata, Horikiri, Tanaka, Kogawa, Suzukawa, Sakioka,
Nakamura, Takahama, Arikawa, Hokoyama, Tsujii, Hito. Jingo, Hayashida,
Kinoshita, Nishikawa, Yoshida.
SAN BERNARDINO COUNTY JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, 783 North Mount Vernon
Avenue, San Bernardino, Calif.:
President: Tatsu Abe.
Vice president: Hiroji Uyemura.
Treasurers: Shinichi Inouye, Kumajiro Hirata.
Auditors: Kogawa, Yamamoto, Tadao Shimazu, Keinosuke Oizumi.
Secretary: Shizuo Oka.
RIVERSIDE JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, 3195 Fourteenth Street, Riverside,
Calif.:
President: Tametsugu
Okubo.
Vice presidents: Chiyasu Inaba, Shonosuke Ishikawa.
Treasurers: Kei Murai, Masaji Sakai.
Auditors: Tameyoshi Yonemura, Ryosaku Tsubota.
SMELSA JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, post-office box 239, Huntington Beach,
Calif.:
President: Mitsuji
Furuta.
Vice president: Hichiro Nagamutsu.
Treasurers: Satomi Tsuchimi, Shuji Kanno.
Secretary: Hikichi Iwamoto.
ORANGE COUNTY JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, post-office box 278, Garden Grove,
Calif.:
President: Seikichi
Aihara.
Vice presidents: Kametsuchi Shioya, Nobuyoshi Gohda.
Treasurers: Takuichi Ohtori, Tomezo Kawamoto.
Auditors: Kameichi Sato, Hitoshi lida.
Agricultural chairman: Kamesuke Shindo.
LONG BEACH JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, post-office box 3026, Station B. Long
Beach, Calif.:
President: Kinji
Nishi.
Vice presidents: Masashi Ikeda, Kaneji Yamaguchi, Kamekichi Kino.
Treasurers: Nagoshiro Morotaguchi, Liazo Tanamachi.
Auditors: Tazoh Kawanami, Kohji Futamura, Kozaburo Ogata, Toshizo
Yasuda.
Japanese American and public relationship chairman: Tempu Arikawa.
Education chairman: Aikichi Osaku.
Business chairman: Toshiji Ikoma.
Agricultural chairman: Tomiji Hirao.
Kendo chairman: Michitoku Eguchi.
Secretary: Yoshiye Kamiye.
SAN GABRIEL JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, 516 Mountain View, post-office box
188, El Monte, Calif.:
President: Takema
Kawakami.
Vice presidents: Takeichi Nakajima, Genjiro Hasegawa.
Treasurers: Kyutaro Shimada, Hoichi Kato.
Auditors: Goichi Yamamoto, Fusataro Nakamoto, Mataichi Morikawa,
Takechi Furusa, Jinta Okazaki, Shintaro Iwai.
Produce chairman: Kensuke Omoto.
Education chairman: Tomio Okada.
Strawberry chairman: Shogi Makino.
Binding chairman: Kamaike Shigemon.
Entertainment chairman: Taishiro Soyejima.
Recreation (sports) chairman: Sanji Kinoshita.
Councilors: Seichi Kako, Otakichi Sakamoto, Taroji Kaminaka, Katsukichi
Munekiyo, Tanzo Riye, Hidehiko Minomi, Chichichi Endo.
Secretary: Hachiro Uno.
Vegetable chairman: Kaichi Muraoka.
EL CENTRO JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, 126 North Fifth, post-office box 780, E
Centro, Calif.:
President: Genji
Yuzawa.
Vice presidents: Shigeyoshi Omori, Matsunosuke Niisawa.
Treasurer: Otsukichi Miyata.
Auditors: Somatsu Minami, Fusataro Seko.
Secretary: Kamekichi Sasaki.
SAN DIEGO JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, 431 Island Avenue, San Diego, Calif.:
President: Shuntaro Yamashita.
Vice presidents:
Naminosuke Date, Takaji Tsumagari.
Treasurers: Aikichi Matooka, Shigeru Masumoto.
Auditors: Tetsuzo Kushino, Sohichi Hosaka, Yoshitaro Yoshimura, Kyutaro
Gokuchi.
Secretary: Yojiro Nakadate.
OXNARD JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, 658 Oxnard Boulevard, Oxnard, Calif.:
President: Chotaro
Fujita.
Vice presidents: Tsuneichi Yamada, Sho Kawada.
Treasurer: Kumanosuke Inatomi.
Auditors: Tokumatsu Shiozaki, Wakamatsu Takasugi.
Secretary: Shikazo Mano.
LOMPOC JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, post-office box 274, Lompoc, Calif.:
Educational
directors: Jitsutaro Tokuyama, Shokichi Iwamoto.
Directors of finance: Kiyotaro Iwamoto, Shinjiro Inouye, Suezo Tagami,
Masazo Furuya.
Social chairmen: Kichijiro Meifu, Nobuzo Suzuki.
Directors of relief: Akita Kitagawa, Shiraichi Koyama, Yojiro Oichi,
Secretary: Masao Shimada.
SAN LUIS OBISPO JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, post-office box 609, San Luis
Obispo, Calif.
President: Hachiro
Mizuzaki.
Vice president: Shuichi Kawaoka.
Treasurers: Kiyotaro Tanaka, Rinzaburo Kurozumi.
Auditors: Eiki Hori, Seizo Urujima.
Advisers: Kamekichi Taku, Tameji Eto.
Secretary: Seijo Onoyama.
VENICE-PALMS JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, 12801 West Jefferson Boulevard,
Venice, Calif.:
President: Kantaro
Inouye.
Vice presidents: Chotaro Yamauchi, Masuzo Kamifuji.
Treasurers: Tatsuo Nakachi, Hambei Kamibayashi.
Director of agriculture: Shuji Suzuki.
Assistants: Yoshio
Tamaoki, Tamotsu Katsuta.
Director of commerce: Nobuyuki Moriguchi.
Assistants: Hitoshi
Hayashi, Yasumasa Enomoto.
Adviser: Sugizo Fujioka.
Secretary: Matsuzo Sakaguchi.
SEINAN KYOGIKAI (Southwest Discussion Club), 2093 West Twenty-eighth
Street, Los Angeles, Calif.:
President: Koh Iseri.
Vice presidents: Yutaka Suzuki, Tatsujiro Adachi, Tosuke Taniguchi.
Treasurers: Naomi Watanabe, Tadashi Hayashi.
Auditors: Yoshisuke Yamamoto, Kenjiro Nozawa, Kakichi Nakamura,
Kumaji Nakatsuhawa.
Special treasurers: Tetsuzo Narahara, Kiyotaro Sakaguchi, Hyichi
Kamayatsu, Daizo Tajiri.
Advisers: Tatsuzo Furukawa, Tokujiro Takata, Kotaro Sakakura,
Takinosuke Shirai, Shigekichi Hirami, Eichi Domoto.
GREATER JAPAN AGRICULTURAL ASSOCIATION, North American Branch, route 1,
box 38, Gardena, Calif.:
President: Tsuneshi
Kayano.
Vice presidents: Toyosaku Komai, Sei Fujii.
Managing director: Kizo Takeguchi.
Directors: Yayuemon Minami, Masajiro Kai, Kamezo Asano, Shunten
Kumamoto, Eizo Maruyama, Zenjiro Kitazaki, Shintaro Nakamura, Umazaburo
Matsuda.
Adviser: Ryosaku Matsuoka.
SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA CHILDREN'S HOME (Naka Shonien), 1841 Redcliff
Street, Los Angeles, Calif.:
Board of directors:
Honorary chairman: Mrs. Shintaro Fukushima (wife of consul, 1940).
Managing director: Tetsuya Ishimaru.
Assistant: Shizuko Ando.
Secretary: Yuriko lida.
Treasurer: Setsuko Bessho.
Superintendent: Rokuichi Kusumoto.
Board of directors: Hitoshi Fukui, Nobuji Kawai, Katsu Tayama, Kazuko
Suzuki.
LOS ANGELES JAPANESE AMERICAN CITIZENS' LEAGUE (Rafu Shimin
Kyokai),
124 South San Pedro Street, Los Angeles, Calif.:
President: Eiji
Tanabe.
Vice presidents: Fred Tayama, Sumi Kashiwagi, George Morey (Mori).
Recording secretary: Ruth Yamazaki.
Corresponding secretary: Shizuko Narahara.
Treasurer: Ichiro Fukunaga.
Auditor: George Ono.
Members at large:
Downtown: Tomi Abe.
Ninth market: Tadaichi Igasaki.
Seventh market: Jimmy Ito.
Flower market: Tom Imai.
Kibei division: 124 South San Pedro Street, Los Angeles, Calif.:
President: Kiyoshi
Hori.
Vice president: Chiyo Osuga.
Recording secretary: Kikuyo Sugano.
Corresponding secretary: Yuriye Oshima.
Treasurer: Tsue Nozawa.
Board of trustees: Nobuo Hirozawa, Itsuji Yasumoto, Hiroshi Takemoto,
Hideo Tsuchiya, Kongo Tasugi.
SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA COOPERATIVE ASSOCIATION (or United) (Nanka
Kyoritsu
Kaikan), 506 North Evergreen Avenue, Los Angeles, Calif.:
Dr. Moore, Dr.
Gerard, Kinji Kikuchi, Mrs. Yokogawa, Atsushi Tsumura,
Rev. Horikoshi, Reverend Koda, Koh Mizushima, Chikashi Tanaka.
SECTION XI
JAPANESE AMERICAN CITIZENS' LEAGUE
One organization which has exerted a great deal of influence over
American-born Japanese is the Japanese American Citizens' League, which
was created for the purpose of promoting the welfare and general
citizenship of American-born Japanese. This organization, with a
membership of 25,650, has become increasingly active in the Japanese
community within the past 5 or 6 years.
The national headquarters of the organization are located in San
Francisco, and the national officers are: President, Saburo Kido; vice
president. Ken Matsumoto; secretary and field representative, Mike M.
Masaoka; treasurer, Hito Okada.
Saburo Kido is an attorney at law, residing at 1623 Webster Street, San
Francisco.
Ken Matsumoto was, in 1940, assistant director of promotion of the
Southern California Chamber of Commerce and Industry (Japanese).
From time to time various members of the organization have made
contacts with the committee and tendered their services in behalf of
Americanism. However, despite the expressed willingness of the
organization to cooperate with the committee, no factual information
has ever been received from the organization concerning Japanese fifth
column activities in the United States, and, in fact, it has been
apparent on several occasions that efforts were made to avoid bringing
into better view any such activities.
And, too, it is a fact that the Japanese American Citizens' League was
greatly responsible for the defeat of the anti-alien fishing
legislation which was proposed again in the 1939 California Legislature
-- a bill which was designed to be a remedial step toward curbing
espionage activities of Japanese fishermen -- and that through this
organization, large sums of money have been collected from Japanese
residing in the United States, to be used for the purpose of resisting
any proposed legislation which might disadvantageously affect Japanese,
alien and American citizen alike.
It is interesting to note that Walter Tsukamoto, past national
president of the Japanese American Citizens' League, a Sacramento
attorney and a United States Army Reserve officer, received an award
from the Japanese Young People's Society, of Chicago, Ill., as the
"Nisei of the year" (1939), for his successful endeavors against the
passage of the anti-alien fishing bill. Thus American-born Japanese
strongly opposed and worked to defeat a bill the fundamental feature of
which was to insure a more adequate national defense.
The Japanese American Citizens' League has been approached on numerous
occasions in the past by patriotic organizations in the United States,
notably the American Legion, to assist in uncovering Japanese fifth
column activities, but nothing has ever been accomplished in this
regard.
The organizational set-up of the Japanese American Citizens' League is
divided into two groups: (1) the Nisei (American-born Japanese, reared
and educated in the United States) and (2) the Kibei (American-born
Japanese who have been sent to Japan to receive their education, either
in whole or in part).
The organizational set-up of the Los Angeles Chapter of the Japanese
American Citizens' League, located at 124 South San Pedro Street, as of
1940, was as follows:
Nisei division:
President: Eiji
Tanabe.
Vice presidents:
Fred Tayama, Sumi Kashiwagi, George Mori.
Recording secretary: Ruth Yamazaki.
Corresponding secretary: Shizuko Narahara.
Treasurer: Ichiro Fukunaga.
Auditor: George Ono.
Members at large:
Downtown section:
Tomi Abe.
Ninth and Market Streets district: Tadaichi Igasaki.
Seventh and Market Streets district: Jimmie Ito.
Flower and Market Streets district: Tom Imai.
Kibei section: Kioshi Hori.
Kibei division:
President: Kioshi
Hori.
Vice president: Chiyo Osuga.
Recording secretary: Kikuyo Sujano.
Corresponding secretary: Yuriye Oshima.
Treasurer: Tsue Nozawa.
Board of trustees: Nobuo Hirozawa, Itsuji Yasumoto, Hiroshi Takemoto,
Hideo Tsuchiya, Kongo Tasugi.
In the following year, 1941, the league's president, Eiji Tanabe, was
made executive secretary of the Central Japanese Association,
succeeding Shiro Fujioka (author of history and report on Central
Japanese Association), who retired voluntarily from this office when
the committee announced, through the press, that it intended to make a
sweeping investigation into Japanese fifth-column activities in the
United States. It must be said, however, that the duties, privileges,
and responsibilities of that office were still vested in Shiro Fujioka
and that Eiji Tanabe was merely the nominal executive secretary of the
association.
The committee has been reliably informed that in all important
municipal, county, State, and national elections, the Japanese American
Citizens' League issues directions and instructions as to how its
members should vote, and in practically every such instance, the
candidate who receives the support of the League is one who is
sympathetic toward the Japanese and their ambitions. In 1936, the
Central Japanese Association, which, as has been pointed out, is purely
a Japanese governmental agency, distributed a printed sheet (see
Appendix for a facsimile of the sheet) containing the names of all
incumbent members of the California State Legislature and other State
officials who were up for reelection and indicating by symbolic key the
particular incumbent candidates who supported or opposed anti-Japanese
legislation in the past, intending thereby to influence the votes of
the members of the Japanese American Citizens' League.
Investigation has revealed that on the evening of December 7, 1941,
prior to the arrest of the leaders of the Central Japanese Association,
the officers of the Central Japanese Association and of the Japanese
American Citizens' League held a joint meeting.
SECTION XII
JAPANESE MILITARY ORGANIZATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES
Many Japanese living in the United States have served in the Japanese
Army and Navy. The Japanese-American News (Japanese language
newspaper), in San Francisco, estimated that in August 1941 they
numbered 8,000.
Japanese veterans are organized into five major organizations:
(1) Japanese
Imperial Military Veterans' Association;
(2) Heimushakai of America;
(3) Japanese Military Virtue Society;
(4) Japanese Navy League;
(5) Japanese Togo Society.
Japanese
Imperial Military Veterans' Association. -- The
headquarters
of the Japanese Imperial Military Veterans' Association in southern
California were located at 129½ East First Street, Los Angeles, next
door to the offices of the NYK (Japanese) Steamship Line. The
membership of the association is composed of ex-service men from the
Japanese imperial forces, and its purpose is to perpetuate the Japanese
military traditions. Since the majority of the members of the
association are alien-born Japanese and not eligible for American
citizenship, they are still citizens of Japan and therefore still
subject to the orders of the Japanese military high command. Its
counterpart in the Nazi spy network is the Kyffhauserbund, which the
committee exposed during 1940-41 as being an organization of German
ex-service men. The commandant of the southern California branch of the
Japanese Imperial Military Veterans' Association was Dr. Rikita Honda.
On December 7, 1941, Dr. Honda was apprehended by the Federal Bureau of
Investigation as a dangerous enemy alien. Shortly thereafter, and while
still in custody. Dr. Honda took his own life. In the 1940 Directory of
Japanese in southern California, compiled by the Rafu Shimpo (Los
Angeles Japanese Daily News), the following information appears, in
Japanese, at the top of page 122, concerning the organizational set-up
of the Japanese Imperial Military Veterans' Association:
Advisers:
Chugi Furukawa,
Shonan Kimura, 1011½ Glendale Boulevard, Los Angeles,
and 121 San Pedro Street, Los Angeles.
Hiroshi Suzuki, 3549 Gleason Avenue, Los Angeles.
President: Dr. Rikita Honda (Deceased.), 129½ East First Street, Los
Angeles, and 16407 South Western Avenue, Moneta.
Vice presidents:
Momota Olvura, 829
East Anaheim Street, Wilmington.
Haruyuki Nagamine, 1921 Redcliff Street, Los Angeles.
Sadamatsu Tanaka, 7285 Santa Monica Boulevard, Los Angeles.
Procurator: Naoshi Nakamura ,113 West Second Street, Los Angeles.
Vice procurator: Sukichi Tabata, 540 Stanford Street, Los Angeles.
Treasurer: Yoshinori Sugita.
Vice treasurer: Choichiro Shirakawa, 849 Wall Street, Los Angeles.
Corresponding and recording secretary: Sukichi Tabata, 540 Stanford
Street, Los Angeles.
Personal affairs secretary: Kanzo Miyake.
Directors of head office:
Sakutaro Kubota, 966
South San Pedro Street, Los Angeles.
Tetsuzo Sawatake.
Kametaro Iwata, 419½ South Los Angeles Street, Los Angeles.
Futaro Hiraiwa.
Head of first division, downtown: Takichi Kato, 204½ East First
Street, Los Angeles.
Head of Boyle Heights Division: Kichigoro Yoshimura, 1064 Camulos, Los
Angeles.
Head of third division: Tamasaburo Yamauchi, 1438 Cole Place, Los
Angeles.
Head of fourth division, uptown: Rizaemon Nishida, 2835 West Eleventh
Street, Los Angeles.
Head of fifth division, Pasadena: Ukichi Ogura, 299 South Pasadena
Avenue, Pasadena.
Head of sixth division, West Los Angeles: Umekichi Takagi, 1926 Beloit
Avenue, Sawtelle.
Head of seventh division, Gardena: Shunichi Kijima, route 2, Box 89,
Gardena.
Head of eighth division, San Pedro: Kuichi Izumi, 187 Terminal Way,
Terminal Island.
Head of ninth division, Huntington Beach: Kamenosuke Aoki, Route 1, Box
100, Huntington Beach.
Head of tenth division, Long Beach: Yoshiji Nimura, Route 1, Box 545,
Long Beach.
(Note. -- No addresses of individuals are given in the notice. These
have been ascertained wherever possible and added.)
The
Heimushakai of America. -- The Heimushakai of America,
which may be
translated into English to mean the Japanese Military Duty League, is
operated in conjunction with the Japanese Imperial Military Veterans'
Association and the Japanese Military Virtue Society. The national
headquarters of the Heimushakai of America were located at 1707
Buchanan Street, San Francisco, Calif., and its national commander was
Masao Nonaka. The Los Angeles headquarters were located at 966 South
San Pedro Street, and Frank Kubota was the commander.
In August 1941, after it had been announced in the press that
subversive Japanese organizations were being investigated by the
committee, the Heimushakai of America issued a statement that its
branches in the United States had been disbanded, which was contrary to
fact. It will be recalled that the Kyffhauserbund followed the
identical pattern. As soon as the committee had announced that a
thorough investigation would be made of its activities, the
Kyffhauserbund, through its national officers, stated that it would
disband. With reference to the disbanding of the Heimushakai of
America, the following article is quoted from the August issue of the
Japanese-American News (Japanese-language newspaper) in San Francisco:
During the 5 years
since the outbreak of the China incident, having
collected some 850,000 yen for the aid of the soldiers and a tremendous
number of bundles as a public service, the Heimushakai announced that
because of the American freezing policy against Japan, it would no
longer be possible to transmit relief funds; therefore, and with this
as a basis for an executive meeting, at 1 o'clock on the 31st in the
Buddhist Hall, some 300 representatives met and as a result of a
serious discussion announced: "The Heimushakai of America, reflecting
upon American freezing of Japanese assets and other matters, has
decided to disband. Unfinished business in the future will be attended
to by the central committee composed of five men: Yonemoto, Inouye,
Sakemaki, Fujimoto, and Nonaka." At one time since its formation, the
association numbered 8,000 members, which is a tribute to Japanese
spirit for public service, and upon present dissolution, there remains
frozen $2,300 to be remitted for which a license is being sought, which
is one of the duties of the committee. Branches elsewhere in similar
fashion to the main headquarters should appoint a committee to handle
uncompleted business before disbanding. The association and its
members, after disbanding, should do everything possible in the
interest of Japanese-American friendship and be good citizens, obeying
the American law. In conclusion, thanks is given to the
Japanese-American and New World Sun newspapers and their staff for
which a banquet was tendered at the Sakura Inn and thereafter, in the
same hall, a motion picture entitled "Flaming Skies" was shown to the
representatives.
With regard to the international scope of the Japanese war veterans and
their cooperation with the war veterans of the other Axis nations, such
as the Kyffhauserbund, the following announcement was made in a Domei
News dispatch on March 20, 1941:
It is announced that
war veterans' associations in Japan, Germany, and
Italy, in keeping with the spirit of the Axis treaty, will form joint
and advisory committees to aid in establishing the new world order.
There are three and a half million veterans and reservists in Japan,
headed by General Imei, who have pledged their cooperation to Axis aims.
In line with the policy of the Central Japanese Association, Japanese
military associations, also, have been carrying on money-raising
campaigns for Japan's war chest. On July 6, 1941, the Japanese-American
News in San Francisco carried the following news item:
The Japanese
Heimushakai of America, in the sixty-sixth meeting
reported collection of $5,968.60 making a total of 829,440.34 yen
collected and transmitted to Japan for military service use from the
organizations: Chico, $32.50; Monterey $100; Tulare County Red Heart
Society, $73.50; Thornton, $5.50; Richmond $44; Sonoma County, $53.50;
Eden Jugo Koseikai, $105.50; Marin County, $26.25 Lodi Kynzaikai, $195;
Mount View Seishin Kai, $142.25; Alvarado, $69.25 San Benito County,
$78.35; Contra Costa County, $91.50; Watsonville Hoshikai $87.75; Santa
Cruz, $13; Redwood City, $34; Vacaville, $82; San Mateo, $115 Bingham,
$56; Berkeley, $176.75; Oakland, $287; Eiki Nagada, $5; San Francisco
$401.50; Ryozo Fiyita, $5; Hosei School Parents Association, $3;
Pescadero, $18 Salinas Japanese Association, $237.25; State of Nevada,
$93.50; Ogden, $74.25 Honeyville, $40.50; Rock Springs, $31.75; Idaho
Falls, $23; Corin County, $18.50 Kersey Valley, $8; Davis County,
$79.75; Shuji Nakanishi, $10; Chico, $23.50 Thornton, $5.50; Yamato
Colony, $40; Pescadero, $21.50; Salt Lake City, $99 Murray, $27.50;
South Utah, $51.
Japanese
Military Virtue Society. -- This society is an adjunct to
and
considered a part of the Japanese Imperial Military Veterans'
Association. The Japanese Military Virtue Society had its North
American headquarters in Alvarado, Calif., and regional headquarters at
the following places:
Southern California area.
-- 230 Terminal Way, Terminal Island,
Calif. (It is significant that the organization has its southern
California headquarters on Terminal Island, which is in the center of
Los Angeles Harbor and the focal point of defense industries located in
Los Angeles. In addition to this fact, approximately 3,000 Japanese
live on the island.)
Sacramento area.
-- 1300 Fourth Street, Sacramento, Calif.
Fresno area.
-- 832 F Street, Fresno, Calif.
Northwestern area.
-- 503 Main Street, Seattle, Wash.
In addition to the various headquarters cited above, the society has
branches throughout the State of California.
The purpose of the society is to carry on a propaganda campaign among
the Nisei in the interest of Japan. The society recruits Nisei through
various types of athletic contests, such as sumo, kendo, judo, jujitsu,
and other outdoor activities.
As an indication of the close integration of the Japanese Military
Virtue Society with other Japanese organizations, the following items
are quoted from the 1938 Japanese Directory for the San Francisco area:
Alvarado:
Headquarters,
Military Virtue Society of North America, post office box
215.
Kinyu Kumiai, post office box 215.
Japanese-American News correspondent, post office box 215.
New World Sun correspondent, post office box 215.
Hochi Shimbun correspondent, post office box 215.
Alvarado Japanese school, post office box 215.
Tokichi Nakamura (president), post office box 215.
Auburn:
Military Virtue
Society of North America, post office box 57.
Japanese school, post office box 57.
Y. M. B. A., post office box 57.
Y. W. B. A., post office box 57.
Buddhist Church, post office box 57.
Lindsay:
Military Virtue
Society of North America, 157 Mount Vernon Avenue.
Japanese school, 157 Mount Vernon Avenue.
Lindsay Women's Association, 157 Mount Vernon Avenue.
Sebastopol:
Sonoma County
Branch, Military Virtue Society of North America, post
office box 57.
Japanese Sunday School, post office box 57.
Hiroshima Prefectural Society, post office box 57.
Sakura Baseball Team, post office box 57.
Suisun:
Military Virtue
Society of North America, post office box 252.
Mint Grill (Ikenaga Restaurant), post office box 252.
Fishing Club, post office box 252.
In August 1936, the following information appeared in the Japanese
press:
Imperial Japanese
naval training squadron arrives San Francisco,
command, Admiral Zengo Yoshida (later Naval Minister, Abe cabinet).
Ships boarded Seattle, Minoru Iino, staff consul general in San
Francisco. Traveled with ships, arranged all itineraries and
entertainment for cadets. Two ships, Yakumo and Iwate served
Russo-Japanese War. Arranged teams for wrestling cadet teams and
Military Virtue Society teams.
On March 11, 1938, the following item appeared:
Sacramento: The
Sacramento area league of the Military Virtue Society
of North America will hold their spring fencing meet at the Sacramento
Young Buddhists' Hall on March 13. Chairman: Jiro Okada. Welcome
speeches: Ryokutaro Sato, president. Japanese Association, Sacramento;
Matsunosuke Tsukamoto, president. Military Virtue Society of North
America. (Tsukamoto, past president Japanese Association, San
Francisco, owner: People's laundry, San Francisco.)
And on or about July 20, 1938, the following item appeared:
The Southern
California branch of the Military Virtue Society of Japan
will, on July 20, beginning at noon, in the Koyasan Hall, Los Angeles,
hold its yearly Military Virtue festival and military (fencing)
exercises with groups from places as follows competing: Brawley, El
Centro, Central School, Los Angeles, Up Town, Zenshu (religious).
Keystone, Gamita, Redondo Beach, Rhone (?) Baldwin, Hawthorne, El
Monte, San Bernardino, Riverside, Coachela, Pasadena, Sawtelle, Santa
Monica, Alpine, Huntington Beach, Oceanside, San Diego, and Chula Vista
-- in all numbering 24 groups. A heated contest is anticipated.
Following in the footsteps of other Japanese organizations, the
Japanese Military Virtue Society has also carried on a fund-raising
campaign for the benefit of the Japanese Government. On July 27, 1941,
the Japanese-American News reported:
The Dominguez Hills
Hokokukai (patriotic association) contributed $36
to the military attaché at the Imperial Embassy in Washington.
On the same date, Hikotaro Taguchi contributed $20 to the military
attaché at the Imperial Embassy in Washington, and 50 yen to the naval
attaché at the Imperial Embassy in Washington.
And on the same date, Niland Produce Association contributed $35 to the
military attaché of the Imperial Embassy in Washington.
Also, in this connection, it is interesting to note that on March 6,
1938, Gihei Yoshida, 1701 Laguna Street, San Francisco, sent 400 pounds
of tinfoil to Japan. This made a record total of 2,800 pounds of
tinfoil which Yoshida had collected, according to the consul general's
office.
Also, in connection with the sending of funds to Japan, by various
Japanese organizations and individuals, is the contribution by the
Chula Vista Melon Growers Association. The following is quoted from the
Japanese-American News of March 6, 1938:
The Chula Vista
Melon Growers Association and the Celery Growers
Association received through the imperial consulate the following
letter thanking them for contributions made to army service funds:
Referring to the recent incident and the service funds and packages
contributed for the expeditionary forces, I am grateful and hereby
express my most sincere thanks.
"(Signed) Gen.
Sugiyama, Minister of War."
Dated December 19, 1937.
Japanese
Navy League. -- A part of the Nipponese government's
military
and naval organization in the United States is the Japanese Navy League
(or association). Its Los Angeles headquarters were at 117 Weller
Street, which was the home of Dr. and Mrs. Takashi Furuzawa. The
Japanese Navy League has as its purpose the perpetuation of Japanese
naval traditions among Japanese naval men in the United States, many of
whom, as has been revealed, are working in the capacity of fishermen in
the Japanese fishing fleet which has carried on its principal
operations at Terminal Island, in the Los Angeles Harbor.
According to information received by the committee, Mrs. Takashi (Koko)
Furuzawa made a trip to Japan 3 or 4 years ago and was received by
Japanese naval officials and presented with a medal as a token of
appreciation by the Japanese Government for her efforts in behalf of
the Japanese Navy League and the Women's Patriotic Society, which is an
adjunct of the navy league and which entertains all Japanese naval men
when their ships come into the Los Angeles Harbor. The Women's
Patriotic Society in Los Angeles uses the Buddhist Temples, where meals
and various kinds of entertainment have been provided to the Japanese
sailors on their visits. Mrs. Furuzawa is known, in Japanese circles,
as the angel of the Japanese Navy, and is very active in this work.
Whenever a Japanese naval vessel docked in the Los Angeles harbor, it
was her custom to go down to the vessel, accompanied by a number of
Japanese women, to welcome the sailors to Los Angeles.
Mrs. Furuzawa's connections are interesting.
She is vice president of the Los Angeles branch of the Women's
Patriotic Society of Japan, which is located at 7425 Franklin Avenue.
This is the official residence of the Japanese Consul.
She is the head of the Southern California Federation of Women's
Societies, the offices of which are located at 117 North San Pedro
Street, Los Angeles.
She is president of the Koyasan Buddhist Temple Women's Society, and
adviser to her ken organization, which is called the Ehime Prefecture.
And she has long been suspected of being a Japanese Navy spy and the
medium through which various messages were sent to the Japanese
Government.
It was reported to the committee that in 1935 a Japanese, named Tarri,
was involved in an automobile accident near Gardena, Calif., which
caused his death, and among his effects was a notebook setting forth
information to the effect that local Japanese who were spying for the
Japanese Navy sent their information to 117½ Weller Street, where,
in turn, it was picked up by Japanese naval officers on tankers when
they put into the Los Angeles Harbor and thence transmitted to the
Japanese Navy in Tokyo.
Japanese
Togo Society. -- This Society is considered to be a part
of
the Japanese Navy League. Like other Japanese military and naval
societies, it has its headquarters in Japan and maintains branches
throughout the United States. It is named for and dedicated to the
memory of Admiral Togo, and August 10, in each year, is appropriately
observed in commemoration of the Battle of the Japanese Sea in the
Russo-Japanese War.
The San Francisco branch of the Togo Society was located at 1860 Bush
Street, and the Sacramento branch, at 1309½ Fourth Street, which was
also the Sacramento address of the Central Japanese Association and the
Sacramento Produce Association.
* * * * * * *
Investigation has revealed that a number of Nisei (first generation
American-born Japanese) have returned to Japan at the insistence of
these Japanese military and naval organizations to serve in the
Japanese Army.
In the Japanese magazine Japan-to-America (Japan and America) edited in
the United States but printed in Japan and sent to the United States
for distribution, in the issue of January 1941, is an article stating:
In view of the
latest Japanese-American relations and in anticipation
of the enactment of the peacetime conscription law in America, many
Japanese parents, fearing their sons' pointing guns against their
parents' country, have sent their sons back to Japan, where available
manpower is sorely needed.
Rishin Nakamura, second son of Nazaemon
Nakamura, of San Francisco, Calif., was made a sub-lieutenant in the
Japanese Army Medical Corps after graduating from the Showa Medical
School in Tokyo. Donald Seichi Murata went to the army in January 1941.
He is a graduate of Waseda University in Tokyo and was a radio
announcer in the international department of the Japanese Broadcasting
Society of Tokyo. He is the third son of Ryuichi Murata, principal of
the Manao Japanese Language School in Honolulu, Hawaii.
In Los Angeles several months ago some Nisei applied for United States
passports so that they could return to Japan. They stated they had been
called up to serve in the Japanese Army. When they were informed that
American passports were no longer issued for travel to Japan, they
remarked that they were going to Japan, passport or no passport, and
were going to serve in the Japanese Army even if it meant the loss of
their American citizenship. These are probably not the only instances
of such feelings on the part of the Nisei in the United States.
SECTION
XIII
KEN AND PREFECTURAL ORGANIZATIONS
In order to understand the Japanese and their community life in the
United States, one must understand their basic psychology and their
absolute reverence for Japan.
In this regard it will be necessary to explain the Japanese theory of
racial divinity and its effect; how through so-called religious
worship, the Japanese wherever resident in the world, or governed by
whatever political system, are forever loyal to their Emperor.
At an early age Japanese children are indoctrinated with two theories
of racial superiority: (1) That they are direct descendants of gods,
and (2) that all humanity stemmed from Japan. According to Dr.
Chiyomatsu Ishikawa, professor of zoology at Tokyo Imperial University,
Japan was the scene of mankind's initial appearance on this earth. Dr.
Ishikawa has stated that all human life had its first beginning some
tens of millions of years ago on a sea beach in Japan. This scene is
supposed to have unfolded somewhere at the extreme southern part of
Kyushu. From here all mankind stemmed upward and branched outward,
carrying out migrations by land and by sea through America, the South
Sea Islands, Asia, Africa, and Europe, with the Pacific as a center.
Thus Japan claims dominance over mankind by reason of priority on the
earth.
Japanese legends, ostensibly supported by ancient records, relate that
once there were in Takamagahara (Plain of High Heaven) three gods of
Ameno-Minakanushi-no-Kami, two of which were male and one female, who
undertook the creation of everything under the sun. The gods,
Takamusubi-no-Kami and Kamimusubi-no-Kami, represented through the Taka
of the male deity, the positive and negative, corresponding to the
positive and negative electrons, which are the essential components
common to all substances. From these two sprang Ameratsu-Omikami, the
Sun Goddess or Mother, who is familiar to all students of Shintoism.
The Sun Goddess dispatched her grandson, Ninigi-no-mikoto, to rule over
all of the earth. On his departure she presented him with the "Three
Sacred Treasures" as symbols of the divinity of Japanese rule. These
were the mirror, sword, and jewels, which are displayed in facsimile in
every Shinto Temple.
The Sun Goddess also presented her departing grandson with an edict:
"Toyoashihara-no-mizuho-no-kuni (land of the rice ears) is the land
which shall be ruled by my descendants. Therefore, go and rule. The
Imperial throne and rule wilt thou establish in that land; thou shalt
last forever and prosper and be as enduring as heaven and earth." The
grandson descended to earth in the region of Nara, Japan.
According to the foregoing myth, Japan is the country that was founded
by Mother, and all other countries by Father. Mother is devotedly
concerned about all of her descendants, and has, therefore, primary
concern regarding things eternal (meaning, of course, the Yamato race).
On the other hand, father thinks only of the present and his outlook is
necessarily restricted to desires for immediate gain and advantage
(meaning every other nation).
But Mother is always solicitous, ever keeping the line of her
descendants unbroken, and envisages a better world for her scions. Not
only does Mother think of these things, she also actually endeavors to
realize them.
Japan is a country that was founded by Mother and a country that
deifies Mother and follows her teachings. As the Japanese Emperor is a
direct descendant of the first Emperor, Jimmu, who was only five
generations removed from the Sun Goddess herself, the Emperor is the
living, the divine representative of Mother. As the entire Japanese
race have descended from the original gods, all are supposed to be gods.
Finding it impossible to associate with foreign nations on an equal
footing if they should stand on their traditional ideas of godhood, and
in order to progress to their manifest destiny in the comity of
nations, the Japanese Nation enacted laws and regulations based on
right and duty. It is only due to these circumstances that appreciation
of right and duty is at all respected in Japan. The sacred edicts of
the Sun Goddess are deeply engrained and firmly rooted in Japanese
minds. Even those who have received modern education are obsessed with
ideas of right and duty as stressed by law, but the traditional legacy
of the Mother is ever first in their consciousness.
To all Japanese, loyalty and filial piety are identical. The state and
home are synonymous. A son or daughter who is dutiful toward his or her
parents cannot but be loyal to the Emperor and if they should be loyal
to the Emperor they are also loyal to their parents. Love of country
(Kunikara) is the same as (Harakara), love of relations. It should be
clear that no Japanese can ever be loyal to any other nation than Japan
so long as the Japanese indoctrinate their children with the
pantheistic teachings of Shintoism.
It is hard for Nisei (Japanese-American citizens) to become
Americanized so long as Shintoism flourishes in the United States under
the guise of religion. Neither can they remain loyal so long as the Ken
organizations grow and flourish, spreading their doctrine of loyalty to
their so-called relations in Japan, for to be related means to be a
brother or sister, and through being a brother or sister the sway of
the Emperor is established. As long as the Nisei are indoctrinated with
the belief that they are gods and better than other Americans, they
cannot become thoroughly Americanized.
A description of the ken or prefectural organizations, of which there
are about 57 in or about Los Angeles, is as follows: Each resident
family, that is, a family resident here, is a member of a ken
organization in Japan of like name. For instance, the Kumamoto ken is
located in the southern part of the island of Kyushu. The people
resident in the Kumamoto ken in Kyushu have, according to Japanese
tradition and legend, been always residents of that particular ken. If
Japanese families migrated from the Kumamoto ken in Japan and settled,
for example, in Los Angeles, they still remain members of the Japanese
ken by reason of their origin, and their children, American born, are
also considered as members of the ken by virtue of their parents'
origin or birth in the Kumamoto ken.
The ken organizations are maintained here for the dissemination of
Japanese culture among the Issei, non-citizen Japanese, and their
children or Nisei, American-born Japanese. They are also maintained for
the purpose of collecting funds for the maintenance of the parent ken
organization and its people in Japan. This money is acquired by means
of a "squeeze," or in other words, each American Japanese resident is
expected by reason of his membership in the ken to contribute a certain
amount of his income. This is collected by local officials of the ken
organization, usually men, then taken to the organization, and then
forwarded through the Japanese consulate to Japan. If an Issei family
here, for any reason, should try to evade this tithe or tax, pressure
is then brought on relatives living in Japan to force the payment.
The names and addresses of the various ken organizations in Los Angeles
are as follows:
Aichi, Kenjin Kai,
256 East First Street.
Chiba, Kenjin Kai, 316 South Saratoga Street.
Ehime, Kenjin Kai, 117½ Weller Street.
Fukui, Kenjin Kai, 123 South Hewitt Street.
Fukushima, Kenjin Kai, 367 East First Street.
Fukushima, Kenjin Kai, 233½ East First Street.
Gifu, Ken Kaigai Kyo Kai, 319 East First Street.
Gun Ma Kenjin Kai, 114 North San Pedro Street.
Itochima, Kenjin Kai, 117 North San Pedro Street.
Kagawa, Kenjin Kai, 130 Rose Street.
Horishima, Kenjin Kai, 114 North San Pedro Street.
Ibaragi, Kenjin Kai, 547 San Julian Street.
Kanagawa, Kenjin Kai, 801 East First Street.
Kumamoto, Kaigai Kyo Kai, 355 East First Street.
Kumano, Aiyu Kai, 211 East First Street.
Kyoto Fu, Jin Kai, 233½ East First Street.
Miyagi, Ken Jin Kai, 244½ East First Street.
Miye Ken Kaigai Kyo Kai, 128 North San Pedro Street.
Nagano, Ken Jin Kai, 250 East First Street.
Nagasaki, Ken Jin Kai, 749 East Twentieth Street.
Nanka, Bocho Kaigai, 326 East First Street.
Nanka, Buzen Jin Doshikai, 513 East First Street.
Nanka, Fukuoka Ken Jin Kai, 309 Jackson Street.
Nanka, Ishikawa Ken Jin Kai, 617 East Fifth Street.
Nanka, Ken Jin Kai, 3480 East Fourth Street.
Nanka, Iwate Ken Jin Kai, 3480 East Fourth Street.
Nanka, Kagoshima Ken Jin Kai, 226½ East First Street.
Nanka, Kochi Ken Jin Kai, 1269 West Thirty-sixth Street.
Nanka, Nara Ken Jin Kai, 205 South San Pedro Street.
Nankai, Okawa Ken Jin Kai, 1021 Towne Avenue.
Nankai, Okayama Kaigai Kyokai, 367 East First Street.
Nanka, Shizuoka Kaigai Kyo Kai, 367 East First Street.
Nanka, Toyama Ken Jin Kai, 2508 East First Street.
Nanka, Wakayama Ken Jin Kai, 251 East First Street.
Nanka, Yamanashi Kaigai Kyokai, 104 North Los Angeles Street.
Niigata, Ken Jin Kai, 4907 Maplewood Avenue.
Oita, Ken Jin Kai, 201 East First Street.
Okinawa, Ken Jin Kai, 744 Wall Street.
Saga, Ken Jin Kai, 336½ East First Street.
Shiga, Ken Jin Kai, 113½ East First Street.
Shimane, Ken Jin Kai, 2115 East Third Street.
Shinano, Kaigai Kyo Kai, 250 East First Street.
Seattle, Kai, 218 North Fremont Avenue.
Tokyo, Jin Kai, 304 East Second Street.
Tottori, Ken Jin Kai, 221 Jackson Street.
Yamagata, 116 North San Pedro Street.
Yamaguchi, Ken Jin Kai, 355 East First Street.
Kens are the integral basis of the Japanese organizational set-up and
have a profound influence on the pro-Japanese attitude of the Japanese
residing in the United States.
With regard to the sociological problem regarding the people of the
Japanese race residing in this country, it has been brought to the
attention of the committee that there are about four distinct
classifications of these people residing in the United States. The
picture in general is as follows:
At the age of 21, all American-born Japanese are brought before the
Japanese consul within the area in which they reside and are given the
opportunity to state whether they wish to be loyal to America or to
Japan. Attention is here called to the attitude taken by the Japanese
Government concerning members of Japanese nationality regardless of
their status as citizens or aliens in any other country. Japan takes
the position that these people are Japanese, no matter where they may
reside or where they were born, and in this way retains a strong hold
upon them. With the aid of the various Japanese organizations which are
to be found in all Japanese communities, such as the Kens, the Japanese
language schools, and the Central Japanese Association, as well as
so-called cultural associations, the consular agents are enabled to
maintain close contact with the members of these communities. The
various classifications into which Japanese members of these
communities may be divided are as follows:
(1) Nisei:
First generation
American-born Japanese, and therefore
citizens of this country.
(2) Kibei:
American-born
Japanese who are sent back to Japan to be
educated, by their parents in this country, and naturally are
thoroughly indoctrinated with a definite pro-Japanese viewpoint on all
controversial issues between this country and Japan, and in this regard
it appears that these Kibei are the ones that the consular officials
from Japan are mainly interested in for the purpose of maintaining
close contact with them.
(3) Issei:
Alien Japanese who
reside in this country, and for the most
part are the parents of the Nisei and Kibei and naturally assert a
rather strong influence upon the thoughts of the younger generations.
(4) Sansei:
Second generation
American-born Japanese. For the most part
it appears that they are thoroughly Americanized and are loyal American
citizens. However, the various Japanese groups and organizations have
been and are trying to inculcate into them a true love for Japan and
all things Japanese, but seem to have a much more difficult time in
this endeavor among the Sansei Japanese than others.
The committee has been informed that the Kibei, after returning to this
country, are instrumental, through the various Shinto organizations, in
further spreading the Japanese viewpoint on all vital questions. Funds
have also been collected by these various organizations for war
purposes in Japan. There are a number of Kibei in this country whose
parents have returned to Japan and whom the Kibei, through custom, are
forced to support, as well as being asked to support much of the
Japanese war efforts.
In the past few years, and especially since the outbreak of the war
between China and Japan, a wave of nationalism from Japan has swept the
various alien Japanese in America and also had its effect on the second
generation Japanese as well.
Those born in this country were told that, due to racial
discrimination, America does not offer opportunities but that Japan
would welcome them with unlimited fields of activity.
Thousands of American-born Japanese, Nisei, were encouraged to return
to Japan. Prominent ones were given jobs in Japanese Government
agencies, such as the International Cultural Society (which had a large
office in the Rockefeller Building in New York City). The office in Los
Angeles was in charge of Katsuma Mukaeda until his recent apprehension
by the Federal Bureau of Investigation.
It was once reported in a Tokyo newspaper that Nisei studying in Japan
are taught in a spirit suggesting that on their return to the United
States they should lead a national-determination movement of Japanese
in the United States.
SECTION XIV
PRO-AXIS PROPAGANDA IN JAPANESE PUBLICATIONS
For several years prior to the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor,
Japanese publications circulating among the Japanese residing in the
United States have been saturated with pro-Axis propaganda. The
committee has in its possession a large quantity of these Japanese
publications. Some of the pro-Axis propaganda taken from them is
reproduced in the exhibits which follow. These exhibits are numbered
111 to 121, inclusive.
Exhibits Nos. 122 to 124 show the well-stocked and attractively filled
shelves of a Japanese book store in Los Angeles.
EXHIBIT NO. 111
Premier Konoye and Chairman Marquis Giacomo Paulucci
(Tokyo, March
1938).
Photo by Tomekichi Omuku, Domei Tsushin Sha.
March 1938 - Japan Welcomes
Italian Fascist Goodwill Mission
The Italian Fascist Goodwill Mission of eighteen members, headed by
Marquis Giacomo Paulucci di Calboli Barone, arrived at Tokyo Station by
the Fuji Express at 3:35 p.m., March 19, 1938, and was accorded an
enthusiastic welcome by the Japanese people.
Italy and Japan are firmly united under the banner of anti-Comintern
front, and the two nations have been brought into even closer
cooperation and friendship by the visit of the Fascist Goodwill Mission.
On the day of the Mission's arrival, the platform of Tokyo Station was
decorated with the flags of Japan and Italy, which were also displayed
throughout the whole city to express the hearty welcome of the people
to the visitors.
On reaching Tokyo the members of the Mission immediately proceeded to
the Imperial Palace and entered their names in the visitors' register
to pay their respects to H.I.M, the Emperor. Afterward they called on
the Premier, Foreign Minister, War Minister, Navy Minister and other
high officials, to whom they delivered the goodwill messages which they
had brought from the Government and people of Italy.
The Mission members also exchanged greetings with various public
organizations throughout the country and acquainted themselves with the
true spirit and conditions of Japan by observing industries, commerce
and other phases of Japanese culture and progress. Thus the visitors
fulfilled their great mission of friendship and mutual understanding.
EXHIBIT NO. 112
Italian Mission Calling on Foreign Minister Hirota (Tokyo, March.
1938).
Photo by Domei Tsushin.
EXHIBIT NO. 113
Receiving the lantern procession and shouts of Banzai: right to left,
German Ambassador von Dirksen, Foreign Minister Hirota, and Italian
Ambassador Auriti.
(Tokyo, November 6, 1937) Photo by Domei Tsushin Sha.
H. I. H. Prince Chichibu Attends
Luncheon on
First Anniversary of
Anti-Comintern Pact
(Tokyo. November 25, 1937)
One year after the signing of the Japan-Germany Anti-Comintern pact,
Italy joins the agreement and the Berlin-Tokyo Axis is extended to
Rome. While the whole nation is joyously celebrating the conclusion of
the Three-Power Anti-Comintern Pact, the first anniversary of the
Germany-Japan pact is celebrated on November 25. The whole of Tokyo is
bedecked with national flags, and the pupils at all schools shout
Banzai for the three nations at their morning assembly. In celebration
of the first anniversary, German Ambassador von Dirksen entertains at a
luncheon held at the Germany Embassy, which H. I. H. Prince Chichibu
attends. Present are Premier Konoye, Foreign Minister Hirota, War
Minister Sugiyama, Navy Minister Yonai, Justice Minister Shiono, former
Foreign Minister Arita, and other notables representing Japan.
Ambassador and Mrs. von Dirken, and other members of the Embassy
representing Germany; Ambassador Auriti and other members of the
Italian Embassy representing Italy. Thus the three nations join hands
in cooperation and understanding, and the luncheon is a significant
expression of the spirit of the Tokyo-Rome-Berlin Axis. Photo shows the
luncheon at the Germany Embassy; on the right of H. I. H. Prince
Chichibu is the German Ambassador, and on the left the Italian
Ambassador; in front of the German Ambassador is Premier Konoye.
EXHIBIT NO. 114
Historic Signing of the
Anti-Comintern Pact
The historic signing of the Japan-German-Italy Anti-Comintern pact took
place at 11 a.m. (Tokyo time 7 p.m.) Novemhcr 6, 1937 at the Foreign
Minister's room in the Foreign Office at Rome. Those presents were
Colonel von Ribbentrop, representative of Chancellor Hitler, and German
Ambassador von Hussel at Rome, Foreign Minister Ciano of Italy,
anti-Japanese Ambassador Hotta. All signed the pact, written in
Japanese, German and Italian. After the signing of the historic
document at Rome, a celebration banquet held by the Foreign Office in
Tokyo to which the German and Italian Ambassadors to Japan and others
were invited. While the banquet was in progress more than 2,500 men and
women, members of the Youngmen's Association, National Defence Women's
Association, Patriotic Students' League and other of Kojimachi and
Shiba wards in which the German and Italian Embassies are respectively
located, marched through the drizzling rain, carrying lighted lanterns,
to the Foreign Minister's official residence and shouted Banzai.
EXHIBIT NO. 115
Welcome to Hitler Jugend
Thirty members of the Hitler Jugend arrived at Yokohama at 12:30 p.m.
August 17, 1938, and were given a hearty welcome at the pier by several
thousand members of the Young Men's Association, Boy Scouts, and
others. The Hitler Jugend boys sang the German National Anthem, the
Nazi Party Song, and Kimigayo, and received an enthusiastic greeting
from the people present who gave the salute of raising the right hand.
The visitors arrived at Tokyo Station at 2:15 p.m. and immediately
proceeded to the Imperial Palace, Meiji Shrine, and the Yasukuni Shnne
where they paid homage to the spirits of the brave soldiers and sailors
there enshrined; and then went to the German Embassy.
During their three months' stay in the country, they called on the
Foreign Minister, War Minister, Navy Minister, and Eduction Minister to
pay their formal respects. They also climbed Mt. Fuji, spent several
days with Japanese boys in camp at Lake Yamanaka, and met Premier
Konoye at his villa in Karuizawa. The party formed an intimate
friendship with the young men of Japan and thus fully performed their
important mission of fostering and cooperation under the anti-Comintern
Pact.
EXHIBIT NO. 116
Welcome Given by Young Men in Festive Dress (Hakata, April, 1938).
Photo by Tomokichi Omuku, Domei Tsushin Sha.
EXHIBIT NO. 117
EXHIBIT NO. 118
Italian Mission Being Greeted by Mayor Oiwa of Nagoya
at the
Gold-Dolphin Castle (Nagoya, April, 1938).
Photo by Kokki Ito, Nagoya
Branch, Osaka Asahi Shimbun Sha.
EXHIBIT NO. 119
Left Page: Italian Goodwill Mission at the Garden of Heaven, Peking.
Upper: In front of the stairway, Garden of Heaven.
Lower: The Italian Mission is welcomed by the Hungpao Association at
Hsinking.
(Manchoukuo, May, 1938). Photo by Tomokichi Omuku, Domei Tsushin Sha.
EXHIBIT NO. 120
Grand March Toward World Peace
A National Mass Meeting is held to celebrate the Conclusion of the
Japan-Germany-Italy Anti-Comintern Pact.
(Korakuyen Stadium, Tokyo, November 25, 1937).
EXHIBIT NO. 121
EXHIBIT NO. 122
EXHIBIT NO. 123
EXHIBIT NO. 124
THE VOICE OF RAFU SHIMPO
Rafu Shimpo: The bilingual Los Angeles Japanese Daily News, carries
many articles in the Japanese language, designed specifically to
encourage Nipponese faith in the might of the Mikado's Empire. Said
Rafu Shimpo recently, under the caption: "Two-Ocean Navy and Pacific":
Battleships of more
than 35,000 tons cannot pass through the Panama
Canal. Only ships whose width is 106 feet or less can pass through it.
Four ships of Iowa
class, built in 1940, were of 45,000 tons each. Ten
battleships now under construction are too large * * *. Therefore, the
two-ocean navy really is a one-ocean navy.
President Roosevelt is very much concerned as to how America can match
German armaments which have been prepared for 7 years. America might
launch a battle against us, with 15 capital ships, 6 aircraft carriers,
18 heavy cruisers, 17 light cruisers, 80 destroyers, 45 submarines,
comprising a first-line navy. But it would be very dangerous to attack
Japan several thousand miles away * * * for it would be fatal for the
American Navy to fight so far from its base.
If capital ships constitute power, look at what Germany does before our
very eyes. It is so clear that there is no need for further
explanation. Japan will not sit idle while America prepares.
While the Japanese Government exploits the racial ties to foster
loyalty to the home country among Japanese-Americans, gullibles in the
United States are worked upon with propaganda brochures prepared in
scholarly style. The latest such literature, received gratis from
Tokyo, is a volume entitled "Introductory Studies on the Sino-Japanese
Conflict" (illustration on this page), by Kiyoshi Miki and Karoku
Hosokawa, published by the Japanese Council of the Institute of Pacific
Relations. This institute has achieved a position of great prestige in
American and British diplomatic, academic, and industrial circles.
The well-indexed book, over 100 pages long, presents the Japanese
version of imperialist expansion in China on the part of the European
powers and the United States. Throughout the book, the reader is led to
believe that the authors were prompted only by a feeling of compassion
for "poor, abused China." In the first pages, the authors tread
lightly, but in conclusion, they assert, under the subtitle "The 'Open
Door' versus Japan's Continental Policy":
The clash between
the ambitions of western powers and Japanese
continental policy, both of which are seeking to advance in China,
would seem to be inevitable unless one is forced to submit to the
superior power of the other, as long as the semi-colonial China
continues to exist as in the past, or as long as the present world
order prevails.
Note the clever strategy of the authors in placing alleged "ambitions
of Western powers" in juxtaposition with the "Japanese continental
policy", as if it were the western powers and not Japan whose ambition
is responsible for the Chinese-Japanese war. The authors continue:
The present
Sino-Japanese incident, with utmost insistence, demands a
solution to the question of creating a new and true world order, and of
making a clean sweep of the semi-colonial condition of China.
To reach her goal Japan relies not only on her military arms and her
Axis allies, but also upon Japanese-American "Quislings" who will
gladly volunteer.
Thus, Japan falls into line with the Axis cry for a new order; thus,
Japan prepares for the day when -- so bluntly stated in The Triple
Alliance and the Japanese-American War -- only the flag of the rising
sun will wave over the Pacific; and the swastika, which also symbolizes
the sun, will rule the Atlantic.
SECTION XV
JAPANESE BUDDHISM
Japanese Buddhism is a very complex religion of many different sects,
and a thorough understanding of it cannot be gained without exhaustive
study.
The headquarters of all Japanese Buddhist temples are located in Japan.
Investigation has revealed that the Japanese Buddhist temples located
in the United States, and the majority of their membership, were
actively engaged in supporting the Central Japanese Association of
America, as well as Japanese governmental agencies, in their endeavors
in behalf of Japan.
Notable also in this connection is the fact that the Japanese Zen
Buddhist sects, the most militant of all Japanese Buddhist sects, are
also closely aligned to the Japanese nationalistic pseudo religion of
Shintoism. Practically every priest serving in Japanese Buddhist
temples in the United States has been brought here from Japan. A press
report of last week stated that Japanese soldiers disguised as Buddhist
priests have been infiltrating into the British lines in Malaya.
The Japanese explanation of Japanese Zen Buddhism is offered in a
brochure entitled "Japanese Buddhism," by Prof. Daisetz Teitaro Suzuki,
D. Lit., which was published in Tokyo and distributed by the Japanese
Board of Tourist Industry, and from which the committee quotes as
follows:
Buddhism has had a
great deal to do not only with the development of
the arts in Japan, but with the advancement of culture in all its
branches. In fact Japan without Buddhism would probably never have
reached the present stage of civilization. Buddhism has represented so
far in the history of Japan everything she needed. It was through its
agency that this isolated island of ours got acquainted with
continental civilization, Indian and Chinese, upon which our ancestors
built up the foundation of present-day Japan (p. 66).
There is one thing at least in the history of Japanese Buddhism which
any writer on the subject cannot afford to ignore, which is its
influence on Bushido, the "Way of the Warrior." It may be better to say
the Zen Buddhist influence, for it is chiefly Zen that was studied by
the Samurai class. The reason is that the Samurai should be always
thinking of death which may befall him at any moment. While death is
the gravest problem for all of us and it is really what turns us to
religion, it was a more serious and threatening one if one can say so
for the Samurai whose profession was rather to court it. His business
was to fight and fighting means to kill the opponent or to be killed by
him. The most efficient and capable Samurai was, therefore, the one who
could defy death. But this defying was not to be just giving up life
after the fashion of a desperado. There ought to be a certain
philosophical understanding of the question, "What is life?" or "What
is death?" This understanding is given by Zen simply and directly, that
is, without the intricate medium of intellection and ritualism, which
excellently suited the Samurai psychology.
The Samurai may be a great statesman, or a learned scholar, but the one
thing most needed for him was to be above death. When his mind was
freed from it, to whatever decisions he might come in the course of his
profession he could carry them out regardless of any personal
consequences following them. Or we can say this: His judgments which he
was then ready to execute to the best of his ability, would be quite
impersonal and therefore more to the point.
Bushido developed under the Hozyo regime when Zen Buddhism was
introduced from China, and it was at once embraced by the Hozyo family
and his retainers. They are noted for their simple life, bravery, and
wise administration. The Mongolian invasion which was indeed the
greatest event in the history of Japan before the Russo-Japanese War
(1904-5), was repulsed by them, and most historians think the strength
of character of the central figure engaged in the task was derived from
his training in Zen. However, this may be, there is no doubt that Zen
has been a great spiritual force for the building up of Japanese
Bushido (pp. 68, 71, 72).
The following are the Buddhist organizations located in the Los Angeles
area, with the organizational set-up of each as of 1940:
Higashi
Hongwanji Betsuin, 118 North Mott Street, Los Angeles, Calif.:
Head of board of
directors: Takao Koshiro.
Vice (fuku) head of board of directors:
Senemon Tsunekawa.
Tokujiro Kitabotake.
Yutaro Uyeda.
Zenjiro Nishio.
Suematsu Murata.
Treasurers
Kenichi Yamada.
Maotaro Ito.
Sakuji Yamada.
Auditors:
Ikujiro Sugano.
Otsuhiko Komura.
Ze Yamada.
Keiji Yamauchi.
Kuniwaka Katow.
Katsuji Kushida.
Board of maintenance:
Kichitaro Muto
(president).
Seiichi Kako (vice president).
Advisers:
Sei Fujii.
Toyosaku Komai.
Eizo Maruyama.
Surei Hirose.
Hyojiro Nomura.
Rinpei Tsuchiya.
BUDDHIST TEMPLE, AT
119 NORTH CENTRAL AVENUE, LOS ANGELES
Hompa Hongwanji Rafu Betsuin, Los Angeles Hongwanji Betsuin, 119 North
Central Avenue, Los Angeles, Calif.:
President: Rinban Ko.
Vice president: Rinban Okita.
Board of directors, head: Kurakichi Kaneko.
Vice:
Yoshitaro Sasahara.
Yutaro Karai.
Ukitaro Araya.
Treasurers:
Katsuya Kono.
Mikio Kimura.
Auditors:
Tomikichi Kanno.
Kanatsuchi Shioya.
Katsumi Yawata.
Kazuichi Yoshimura.
Special treasurers:
Enpei Fujita.
Hideki Sasashima.
Auditors:
Senji Hara.
Tokuhichi Okuda.
Shiuzo Maemura.
Noboru Murakami.
Tominosuke Ozamoto.
Perpetual accountants:
Tokujiro Takata.
Tadazo Harada.
Auditors:
Kaichi Sanwo.
Kuichi Sanwo.
Kuichi Uyeda.
Yasoichi Miyasaki.
Tokusaburo Dobashi.
Advisers:
Soji Fukui.
Fujizo Yano.
Shinosuke Tamari.
Koyasan Beikoku Botsuin, Koj'asan Betsuiii of the United States, 342
East First Street, Los Angeles, Calif.:
Head of board of
directors: Katsuichi Kazehaya.
Vice (fuku) head of board of directors:
Shunten Kumamoto.
Kazuichi Watanabe.
Kuichiro Nishi.
Shinojo Wada.
Treasurers:
Tsuruhiko Abe.
Toyogiro Kitojima.
Yasukichi Enomoto.
Auditors:
Tsurumatsu Asari.
Akihiro Matsukama.
Nobuyuki Miriguchi
Masami Sugino.
Moriyo Yokomiyo.
Kakuo Tanaka.
Advisers:
Tomoyo Tomio.
Yaozo Wada.
Kintaro Asano.
Jutaro Narumi.
Junichi Onishi.
Taiji Kito.
Takashi Furuzawa.
Yoshimatsu Kizu.
Rafu Nichiren Shu Kyokai, Los Angeles Nichiren Shu Church, 2800 East
Third Street, Los Angeles, Calif.:
Missionary
supervisor: Ryuchin Okihara.
Minister: Chikiyo Kurohashi.
Board of directors:
Koujiro Urushibata
(head).
Kimiyo Yazaki (vice).
Heitaro Ichinose.
Kenta Nakamura.
Treasurers:
Tadao Noritake.
Tokuyoshi Ito.
Auditors:
Ko Hohga.
Tsumori Honda.
Koichi Norio.
Masaichi Tawa.
Executive secretary: Chiyohachi Ishizawa.
Advisers:
Sugizo Fujioka.
Teuchiro Hachiya.
Hatsusaburo Itano.
Kiyotomi Ito.
Yasujiro Kawasaki.
Soshiro Kiyama.
Harukichi Utsugi.
Kashuzen Nichirenji, 130 Rose Street, Los Angeles, Calif.:
Head supervisor:
Nikkan Kitamura.
Head of board of directors: Ayatoshi Kurose.
Vice (fuku) head of directors:
Ichimatsu Hitomi.
Shiro Murakami.
Treasurer: Uetoh Chikasuke.
Auditors:
Dansho Miyatake.
Heisaku Miyata.
Heisaku Yamasaki.
Secretary: Nikkan Kitamura.
Recorder: Masako Murakita.
Directors:
Kumakichi Okauchi.
Muneo Kimura.
Yukio Hirano.
Tsunehachi Mino.
Advisers:
Kiichi Iwanaga.
Zuimoto Nishiyama.
Councillor: Yoshiaki Takeshita.
Hokubeizen Zenshuji, 123 South Hewitt Street, Los Angeles, Calif.
Head of board of
directors: Tomokichi Matsushita.
Vice (fuku) head of directors:
Shunichi Murate.
Shigematsu Takeyasu.
Sumijiro Arita.
Masakado Takeuchi.
Treasurers:
Masataro Kida.
Zenroku Nagai.
Auditors:
Yasusada Nagami.
Kango Nakahira.
Kuniji Watanabe.
Katsukichi Munekiyo.
Otogoro Marayama.
Head of general affairs: Yasuo Haniano.
Advisers:
Yaemon Minami.
Gongoro Nakamura.
Sei Fujii.
Advisers (honorary):
Tamizo Saito.
Toyokichi Nagasaki.
Sotaro Fujinaka.
Juzo Ogizo.
Surai Hirose.
Renzo Yasuda.
Denenion Juwabara.
Jiro Tani.
Toyokichi Yoshikawa.
Hagime Matsumoto.
Toyokichi Yamaguchi.
Takazo Imafuji.
Uyesaku Aoki.
Kanemon Gohtori.
Manichi Yata.
Isuki Iguchi.
Gosan Zenneiji, 727½ East First Street, Los Angeles, Calif.:
Head of board of
directors:
Taigaku Ueshima.
Tsunejiro Tohara.
Vice (fuku) board of directors:
Saburo Sato.
Masanari Adachi.
Takiyoshi Ishikawa.
Treasurers:
Seijiro Inose.
Masanobu Goishi.
Ken Oshikawa.
Auditors:
Eitaro Nanjo.
Keyoshi Tsunota.
Masayoshi Kawakami.
Takeichiro Kotani.
Keiji Ozaka.
Kenji Oka.
Kenzo Ikezaki.
Yoshihisa Yamanaka.
Ceremony committee:
Kurakane Tsunetaro.
Mitsujiro Ishibashi.
Jiegei Bucho: Danji Ikeda.
Vice: Rokuroku
Watanabe.
Auditors:
Sensuke Okada.
Nakashiro Hara.
Kenjiro Matsubara.
Shitsuge Adachi.
Fumihei Gobata.
Jinichi Nakatsuru.
Haruhei Kuromi.
Nakazono Nojima.
Komao Momoto.
Advisers (honorary):
Toyosaku Komai.
Koshiro Umekubo.
Harunori Nagamine.
Otokichi Kuwabara.
Takao Kodama.
Tozenkutsu, 441 Turner Street, Los Angeles, Calif.: Hermit master
(literal translation) : Nyogen Senzaki.
BUSHIDO
As has been mentioned hereinbefore, Bushido (the Way of the Warrior) is
to be found in both Shinto and Zen Buddhist teachings. The committee
quotes the following excerpts from a book entitled "Bushido, the Soul
of Japan," by Inazo Nitobe, published in Tokyo:
PREFACE TO THE
FIRST EDITION
About ten years ago, while spending a few days under the hospitable
roof of the distinguished Belgian jurist, the lamented M. de Laveleye,
our conversation turned during one of our rambles, to the subject of
religion. "Do you mean to say," asked the venerable professor, "that
you have no religious instruction in your schools?" On my replying in
the negative, he suddenly halted in astonishment, and in a voice which
I shall not easily forget, he repeated "No religion. How do you impart
moral education?" The question stunned me at the time. I could give no
ready answer, for the moral precepts I learned in my childhood days
were not given in schools; and not until I began to analyse the
different elements that formed my notions of right and wrong, did I
find that it was Bushido that breathed them into my nostrils.
The direct inception of this little book is due to the frequent queries
put by my wife as to the reasons why such and such ideas and customs
prevail in Japan.
In my attempts to give satisfactory replies to M. de
Laveleye and to my wife, I found that without understanding feudalism
and Bushido, the moral ideas of present Japan are a sealed volume.
Taking advantage of enforced idleness on account of long illness, I put
down in the order now presented to the public some of the answers given
in our household conversation. They consist mainly of what I was taught
and told in my youthful days, when feudalism was still in force.
Between Lafcadio Hearn and Mrs. Hugh Fraser on one side and Sir Ernest
Satow and Professor Chamberlain on the other, it is indeed discouraging
to write anything Japanese in English. The only advantage I have over
them is that I can assume the attitude of a personal defendant, while
these distinguished writers are at best solicitors and attorneys. I
have often thought -- "Had I their gift of language, I would present
the cause of Japan in more eloquent terms." But one who speaks in a
borrowed tongue should be thankful if he can just make himself
intelligible.
All through the discourse I have tried to illustrate whatever points I
have made with parallel examples from European history and literature,
believing that these will aid in bringing the subject nearer to the
comprehension of foreign readers.
Should any of my allusions to
religious subjects and to religious workers be thought slighting, I
trust my attitude toward Christianity itself will not be questioned. It
is with ecclesiastical methods and with the forms which obscure the
teachings of Christ, and not with the teachings themselves, that I have
little sympathy. I believe in the religion taught by Him and handed
down to us in the New Testament, as well as in the law written in the
heart. Further, I believe that God hath made a testament which may be
called "old" with every people and nation -- Gentile or Jew, Christian
or Heathen. As to the rest of my theology, I need not impose upon the
patience of the public.
In concluding this preface, I wish to express my thanks to my friend
Anna C. Hartshorne for many valuable suggestions.
PREFACE TO THE
TENTH AND REVISED EDITION
* * * * * * *
In revising the present edition, I have confined the additions chiefly
to concrete examples. I regret nay inability to add a chapter on Filial
Piety, which is considered one of the two wheels of the chariot of
Japanese ethics -- Loyalty being the other. * * *
INTRODUCTION
* * * * * * *
Critical study has but deepened my own sense of the potency and value
of Bushido to the nation. He who would understand twentieth-century
Japan must know something of its roots in the soil of the past. Even if
now as invisible to the present generation in Nippon as to the alien,
the philosophic student reads the results of today in the stored
energies of ages gone. The sunbeams of unrecorded time have laid the
strata out of which Japan now digs her foot-pounds of impact for war or
peace (p. V).
* * * * * * *
*No man in Japan has united the precepts and practice of his own
Bushido more harmoniously in life and toil, labour and work, craft of
hand and of pen, culture of the soil and of the soul. Illuminator of
Dai Nippon's past. Dr. Nitobe is a true make of the New Japan. In
Formosa, the empire's new accretion, as in Kioto, he is the scholar and
practical man, at home in newest science and most ancient diligence (p.
VII).
CHAPTER I
BUSHIDO AS AN ETHICAL SYSTEM
* * * * * * *
I would likewise point the Western historical and ethical student to
the study of chivalry in the Japan of the present.
* * * My attempt is rather to relate, firstly, the origin and sources
of our
chivalry; secondly, its character and teaching; thirdly, its influence
among the masses; and, fourthly, the continuity of permanence of its
influence (p. 3).
* * * * * * *
Bushido means literally Military -- Knight -- Ways -- the ways which
fighting nobles should observe in their daily life as well as in their
vocation * * * (p. 4).
Bushido, then, is the code of moral principles which the knights were
required or instructed to observe. It is not a written code; at best it
consists of a few maxims handed down from mouth to mouth or coming from
the pen of some well-known warrior or savant. More frequently it is a
code unuttered and unwritten, possessing all the more the powerful
sanctions of veritable deed, and is a law written on the fleshly
tablets of the heart. It was founded not on the creation of one brain,
however able, or on the life of a single personage, however renowned.
It was an organic growth of decades and centuries of military career
(p. 5). * * * Only as it attains consciousness in the feudal age, its
origin, in respect to time, may be identified with feudalism. But
feudalism itself is woven of many threads, and Bushido shares its
intricate nature. * * * so we may say that in Japan its rise was
simultaneous with the ascendancy of Yoritomo, late in the twelfth
century. As, however, in England, we find the social elements of
feudalism far back in the period previous to William the Conqueror, so,
too, the germs of feudalism in Japan had been long existent before the
period I have mentioned.
Again, in Japan as in Europe, when feudalism was formally inaugurated,
the professional class of warriors naturally came into prominence.
These were known as samurai, meaning literally, like the old English
cniht
(knecht, knight), guards or attendants -- resembling in character
the soldurii,
whom Caesar mentioned as existing in Aquitania, or the
comitati,
who, according to Tacitus, followed Germanic chiefs in his
time; or, to take a still later parallel, the milites medii that
one
reads about in the history of Mediaeval Europe. A Sinico-Japanese word
Buke
or Bushi
(Fighting Knights) was also adopted in common use. They
were a privileged class, and must originally have been a rough breed
who made fighting their vocation. This class was naturally recruited,
in a long period of constant warfare, from the manliest and the most
adventurous, and all the while the process of elimination went on, the
timid and the feeble being sorted out, and only "a rude race, all
masculine, with brutish strength," to borrow Emerson's phrase, serving
to form families and the ranks of the samurai (pp. 5-8).
* * * * * * *
In Japan there were several sources of Bushido (p. 10).
CHAPTER II
SOURCES OF BUSHIDO
I may begin with Buddhism. It furnished a sense of calm trust in Fate,
a quiet submission to the inevitable, that stoic composure in sight of
danger of calamity, that disdain of life and friendliness with death. A
foremost teacher of -swordsmanship, when he saw his pupil master the
utmost of his art, told -him, "Beyond this my instruction must give way
to Zen teaching." "Zen" is the Japanese equivalent for the Dhyana,
which "represents human effort to reach through meditation zones of
thought beyond the range of verbal expression." Its method is
contemplation, and its purport, so far as I understand it, to be
convinced of a principle that underlies all phenomena, and, if it can,
of the Absolute itself, and thus to put oneself in harmony with this
Absolute. Thus defined, the teaching was more than the dogma of a sect,
and whoever attains to the perception of the Absolute raises himself
above mundane things and awakes "to a new Heaven and a new Earth."
What Buddhism failed to give, Shintoism offered in abundance. Such
loyalty to the sovereign, such reverence for ancestral memory, and such
filial piety as are not taught by any other creed, were inculcated by
the Shinto doctrines, imparting passivity to the otherwise arrogant
character of the samurai. Shinto theology has no place for the dogma of
'original sin.' On the contrary, it believes in the innate goodness and
Godlike purity of the human soul, adoring it as the adytum from which
divine oracles are proclaimed. Everybody has observed that the Shinto
shrines are conspicuously devoid of objects and instruments of worship,
and that a plain mirror (one of the symbols of the Japanese Imperial
House) hung in the sanctuary forms the essential part of its
furnishing * * * (pp. 11-13).
Its nature worship endeared the country to our inmost souls, while its
ancestor worship, tracing from lineage to lineage, made the Imperial
family the fountain head of the whole nation. To us the country is more
than land and soil from which to mine gold or to reap grain -- it is
the sacred abode of the gods, the spirits of our forefathers: to us the
Emperor is more than the Arch Constable of a Rechtsstaat, or
even the
Patron of a Culturstaat
-- he is the bodily representative of Heaven
on earth, blending in his person its power and its mercy. * * *
The tenets of Shintoism cover the two predominating features of the
emotional life of our race. -- Patriotism and Loyalty (p. 14).
* * * * * * *
Thus, whatever the sources, the essential principles which Bushido
imbibed from them and assimilated to itself, were few and simple. Few
and simple as these were, they were sufficient to furnish a safe
conduct of life even through the unsafest days of the most unsettled
period of our nation's history. The wholesome unsophisticated nature of
our warrior ancestors derived ample food for their spirit from a sheaf
of commonplace and fragmentary teachings, gleaned as it were on the
highways and byways of ancient thought, and, stimulated by the demands
of the age, formed from these gleanings a new and unique type of
manhood. * * * "the vigorous initiative, the habit of sudden
resolutions and desperate
undertakings, the grand capacity to do and to suffer." In Japan as in
Italy "the rude manners of the Middle Ages" made of man a superb
animal, "wholly militant and wholly resistant." And this is why the
sixteenth century displays in the highest degree the principal quality
of the Japanese race, that great diversity which one finds there
between minds ( esprits)
as well as between temperaments. While in India
and even in China men seem to differ chiefly in degree of energy or
intelligence, in Japan, they differ by originality of character as
well. Now, individuality is the sign of superior races and of
civilizations already developed. If we make use of an expression dear
to Nietzsche, we might say that in Asia, to speak of humanity is to
speak of its plains; in Japan as in Europe, one represents it above all
by its mountains (pp. 20-22).
CHAPTER III
RECTITUDE OF JUSTICE
"* * * Rectitude is the power of deciding upon a certain course of
conduct in accordance with reason, without wavering: -- to die when it
is right to die, to strike when to strike is right." * * * "Rectitude
is the bone that gives firmness and stature. As without bones the head
cannot rest on the top of the spine, nor hands move nor feet stand, so
without rectitude neither talent nor learning can make of a human frame
a samurai. With it the lack of accomplishments is as nothing" (pp.
23-24).
* * * * * * *
CHAPTER IV
COURAGE, THE SPIRIT OF DARING AND BEARING
* * * * * * *
What samurai youth has not heard of "Great Valour" and the "Valour of
a Villain?"
Valour, Fortitude, Bravery, Fearlessness, Courage, being the qualities
of soul which appeal most easily to juvenile minds, and which can be
trained by exercise and example, were, so to speak, the most popular
virtues, early emulated among the youth. Stories of military exploits
were repeated almost before boys left their mother's breast. Does a
little booby cry for any ache? The mother scolds him in this fashion:
"What a coward to cry for a trifling pain! What will you do when your
arm is cut off in battle? What when you are called upon to commit
hara-kiri?"
We all know the pathetic fortitude of a famished little
boy prince of Sendai, who in the drama is made to say to his little
page, "Seest thou those tiny sparrows in the nest, how their yellow
bills are opened wide, and now see! there comes their mother with worms
to feed them. How eagerly and happily the little ones eat! but for a
samurai, when his stomach is empty, it is a disgrace to feel hungry."
Anecdotes of fortitude and bravery abound in nursery tales, though
stories of this kind are not by any means the only method of early
imbuing the spirit with daring and fearlessness. Parents, with
sternness sometimes verging on cruelty, set their children to tasks
that called forth all the pluck that was in them. "Bears hurl their
cubs down the gorge," they said. Samurai's sons were let down to steep
valleys of hardship, and spurred to Sisyphuslike tasks. Occasional
deprivation of food or exposure to cold, was considered a highly
efficacious test for inuring them to endurance. Children of tender age
were sent among utter strangers with some message to deliver, were made
to rise before the sun, and before breakfast attend to their reading
exercises, walking to their teachers with bare feet in the cold of
winter; they frequently -- once or twice a month, as on the festival of
a god of learning -- came together in small groups and passed the night
without sleep, in reading aloud by turns. Pilgrimages to all sorts of
uncanny places -- to execution grounds, to graveyards, to houses
reputed of being haunted, were favourite pastimes of the young. In the
days when decapitation was public, not only were small boys sent to
witness the ghastly scene, but they were made to visit alone the place
in the darkness of night and there to leave a mark of their visit on
the trunkless head (pp. 30-33).
CHAPTER V
BENEVOLENCE, THE PEELING OF DISTRESS
* * * * * * *
"Absolutism," says Bismarck, ''primarily demands in the ruler
impartiality, honesty, devotion to duty, energy, and inward humility."
If I may be allowed to make one more quotation on this subject, I will
cite from the speech of the German emperor at Coblenz, in which he
spoke of '"Kingship, by the grace of God, with its heavy duties, its
tremendous responsibilities to the Creator alone, from which no man, no
minister, no parliament, can release the monarch" * * * (p. 42).
"Rectitude carried to excess hardens into stiffness; benevolence
indulged beyond measure sinks into weakness." * * *
" Bushi no nasake"
-- the tenderness of a warrior -- had a sound which
appealed at once to whatever was noble in us; not that the mercy of a
samurai was generically different from the mercy of any other being,
but because it implied mercy where mercy was not a blind impulse, but
where it recognizes due regard to justice, and where mercy did not
remain merely a certain state of mind, but where it was backed with
power to save or kill. As economists speak of demand as being effectual
or ineffectual, similarly we may call the mercy of Bushi effectual,
since it implied the power of acting for the good or detriment of the
recipient (p. 43).
CHAPTER VI
POLITENESS
* * * * * * *
"The end of all etiquette is to so cultivate your mind that even when
you are quietly seated, not the roughest ruffian can dare make onset on
your person." It means, in other words, that by constant exercise in
correct manners, one brings all the parts and faculties of his body
into perfect order and into such harmony with itself and its
environment as to express the mastery of spirit over the flesh. * * *
Fine manners, therefore, mean power in repose. When the barbarian
Gauls, during the sack of Rome, burst into the assembled Senate and
dared pull the beards of the venerable Fathers, we think the old
gentlemen were to blame, inasmuch as they lacked dignity and strength
of manners (pp. 56-57).
* * * * * * *
The bare interior does not engross one's attention like the
innumerable pictures and bric-a-brac of a Western parlour; the presence
of kakemono
(hanging scrolls, which may be either paintings or
ideograms, used for decorative purposes) calls our attention more to
grace of design than to beauty of colour. The utmost refinement of
taste is the object aimed at; whereas anything like display is banished
with religious horror (pp. 58-59).
* * * * * * *
In America, when you make a gift, you sing its praises to the
recipient; in Japan we depreciate or slander it. The underlying idea
with you is, "This is a nice gift: if it were not nice I would not dare
give it to you; for it will be an insult to give you anything but what
is nice." In contrast to this, our logic runs:
"You are a nice person, and no gift is nice enough for you" (p. 62).
* * * * * * *
"Which is the more important, to tell the truth or to be polite?"
(Japanese believe it more important to be polite even if lying.) (p.
63).
EXHIBIT NO. 125
Shinto Mission Headquarters in the United States
EXHIBIT NO. 126
Shinto Mission Headquarters in the United States
EXHIBIT NO. 127
Japanese Temple in Los Angeles
EXHIBIT NO. 128
Captain Nango, Great Air Fighter, at His Private Residence
(Tokyo,
January, 1938.) Photo by Domei Tsushin Sha.
Captain
Shigeaki Nango, one of the greatest air fighters the Imperial
Japanese has ever produced, photographed while visiting his parents in
Tokyo, on leave the front. Captain Nango was the first aviator to shoot
down a No. 16 type Soviet pursuit plane, the type on which China relied
so heavily to defeat Japan. He shot down or destroyed 30 enemy heavy
bombers and fighting planes over the Nanking on December 3, 1937.
After his visit to Tokyo, Captain Nango was recalled to the front and
on July 18, he and his men set out to exterminate Chinese planes over
Nanchang. In the midst of the gallant fighting that followed, he was
killed by an enemy bullet. He died a noble death, sacrificing his life
for the nation, and has become a deity guarding the country; yet his
death is regretted by the entire people.
New Year Naval Review at Yokosuka Naval Station
(Permitted by the
Yokosuka Naval Station).
(Yokosuka, January, 1938). Photo by Domei
Tsushin Sha.
EXHIBIT NO. 129
Empire Foundation March of boys dressed in ancient armor (at
Kudan).
Empire Foundation
Day Observed under Emergency
On
February 11, Empire Foundation Day, the fiftieth anniversary of the
promulgation of the Constitution was also celebratcd by the nation, and
the Capital was a scene of the utmost joy from the early dawn. National
flags were hoisted throughout the city and there were also huge
streaming banners bearing inscriptions such as, "Advance National
Honor," "Loyalty and National Service," "Long Life to the Military
Glory," and "Perseverance and Patience." Carrying such banners and
flags, the people marched in processions to the Imperial Palace.
Throughout the day the capital was turned into a scene of flags,
national joy and patriotism.
Mass fencing by boys filled with the Empire Foundation spirit
(at Hibiya). (Photo by Domei Tsushin Sha)
EXHIBIT NO. 130
A
ceremony is held as H.I.H. Prince Chichibu becomes the Patron of the
celebration commemorating the 2,600th Anniversary of the Empire; the
Prince's message is broadcast throughout the country. (Tokyo, April 10.
1938). Photo by Domei Tsushin Sha.
The ceremony at which H.I.H. Prince Chichibu becomes the Patron of the
celebration that will mark the 2,600th Anniversary of the Empire, is
held at 1 p.m. April 10, at the Meiji Jingu Stadium, with the
attendance of the Prince and with 50,000 men of various organizations
present. The Prince's message is broadcast throughout the country by a
national hook-up through Station JOAK.
EXHIBIT NO. 131
Army Units Stationed in Tokyo Worship at Yasukuni Shrine
During Special
Grand Festival (Tokyo, April 25, 1938).
Photo by Heihachi Nakata
Kokumin Shimbun Sha.
SECTION XVI
THE
TANAKA
MEMORIAL
MEMORIAL
PRESENTED TO THE EMPEROR OF JAPAN ON JULY 25, 1927, BY PREMIER
BARON GIICHI TANAKA, OUTLINING THE POSITIVE POLICY IN MANCHURIA
Since the European War, Japan's political as well as economic interests
have been in an unsettled condition. This is due to the fact that we
have failed to take advantage of our special privileges in Manchuria
and Mongolia and fully to realize our acquired rights. But upon my
appointment as premier, I was instructed to guard our interests in this
region and watch for opportunities for further expansion. Such
injunctions one cannot take lightly. Ever since I advocated a positive
policy towards Manchuria and Mongolia as a common citizen, I have
longed for its realization. So in order that we may lay plans for the
colonization of the Far East and the development of our new continental
empire, a special conference was held from June 27th to July 7th
lasting all eleven days. It was attended by all the civil and
military officers connected with Manchuria, and Mongolia, whose
discussions result in the following resolutions. These we respectfully
submit to Your Majesty for consideration.
GENERAL
CONSIDERATIONS
The term Manchuria and Mongolia includes the provinces Fengtien, Kirin,
Heilungkiang and Outer and Inner Mongolia. It extends an area of 74,000
square miles, having a population of 28,000,000 people. The territory
is more than three times as large as our own empire not counting Korea
and Formosa, but it is inhabited by only one-third as many people. The
attractiveness of the land does not arise from the scarcity of
population alone; its wealth of forestry, minerals, and agricultural
products is also unrivalled elsewhere in the world. In order to exploit
these resources for the perpetuation of our national glory, we cheated
especially the South Manchurian Railway Company. The total investment
involved in our undertakings in railway, shipping, mining, forestry,
steel, manufacture, agriculture, and in cattle raising, as schemes
pretending to be mutually beneficial to China and Japan amount to no
less than Yen 440,000,000. It is veritably the largest single
investment and the strongest organization of our country. Although
nominally the enterprise is under the joint ownership of the government
and the people, in reality the government has complete power and
authority. In so far as the South Manchurian Railway is empowered to
undertake diplomatic, police, and ordinary administrative .'functions
so that it may carry out our imperialistic policies, the Company forms
a peculiar organization which has exactly the same powers as the
Governor-General of Korea. This fact alone is sufficient to indicate
the immense interests we have in Manchuria and Mongolia. Consequently
the policies towards this country of successive administrations since
Meiji are all based on his injunctions, elaborating and continuously
completing the development of the new continental empire in order to
further the advance of our national glory and prosperity for
countless generations to come.
Unfortunately, since the European War there have been constant changes
in diplomatic as well as domestic affairs, The authorities of the Three
Eastern Provinces are also awakened and gradually work toward
reconstruction and industrial development, following our example. Their
progress is astonishing. It has affected the spread of our influence in
a most serious way, and has put us to so many disadvantages that the
dealings with Manchuria and Mongolia of successive governments have
resulted in failure. Furthermore, the restrictions of the Nine Power
Treaty signed at the Washington Conference have reduced our special
rights and privileges in Manchuria and Mongolia to such an extent that
there is no freedom left for us. The very existence of our country is
endangered. Unless these obstacles are removed, our national existence
will be insecure and our national strength will not develop. Moreover,
the resources of wealth are congregated in North Manchuria. If we do
not have the right-of-way here, it is obvious that we shall not be able
to tap the riches of this country. Even the resources of South
Manchuria which we won by the Russo-Japanese War will also be greatly
restricted by the Nine Power Treaty. The result is that while our
people cannot migrate into Manchuria as they please, the Chinese are
flowing in as a flood. Hordes of them move into the Three Eastern
Provinces every year, numbering in the neighborhood of several
millions. They have jeopardized our acquired rights in Manchuria and
Mongolia to such an extent that our annual surplus population of eight
hundred thousand have no place to seek refuge. In view of this we have
to admit our failure in trying to effect a balance between our
population and food supply. If we do not devise plans to check the
influx of Chinese immigrants immediately, in five years' time the
number of Chinese will exceed 6,000,000. Then we shall be confronted
with greater difficulties in Manchuria and Mongolia.
It will be
recalled that when the Nine Power Treaty was signed which
restricted our movements in Manchuria and Mongolia, public opinion was
greatly aroused. The late Emperor Taisho called a conference of
Yamagata and other high officers of the army and navy to find a way to
counteract this new engagement. I was sent to Europe and America to
ascertain secretly the attitude of the important statesmen toward it.
They were all agreed that the Nine Power Treaty was initiated by the
United States. The other Powers which signed it were willing to see our
influence increase in Manchuria and Mongolia in order that we may
protect the interests of international trade and investments. This
attitude I found out personally from the political leaders of England,
France, and Italy. {Italics in original.} The sincerity of
these expressions could be depended
upon. Unfortunately, just as we were ready to carry out our policy and
declare void the Nine Power Treaty with the approval of those whom I
met on my trip, the Seiyukai cabinet suddenly fell and our policy
failed of fruition. It was indeed a great pity. After I had secretly
exchanged views with the Powers regarding the development of Manchuria
and Mongolia, I returned by way of Shanghai. At the wharf there a
Chinese attempted to take my life. An American woman was hurt, but I
escaped by the divine protection of my emperors of the past. It seems
that it was by divine will that I should assist Your Majesty to open a
new era in the Far East and to develop the new continental empire.
The Three Eastern Provinces are politically the imperfect spot in the
Far East. For the sake of self-protection as well as the protection of
others, Japan cannot
remove the difficulties in Eastern Asia unless she
adopts a policy of "Blood and Iron." But in carrying out this policy we
have to face the United States which has been turned against us by
China's policy of fighting poison with poison. In the future if we want
to control China, we must first crush the United States just as in the
past we had to fight in the Russo-Japanese War. But in order to conquer
China we must first conquer Manchuria and Mongolia. In order to conquer
the world, we must first conquer China. If we succeed in conquering
China, the rest of the Asiatic countries and the South Sea countries
will fear us and surrender to us. Then the world will realize that
Eastern Asia is ours and will not dare to violate our rights. This is
the plan left to us by Emperor Meiji, the success of which is essential
to our national existence.
The Nine Power
Treaty is entirely an expression of the spirit of
commercial rivalry. It was the intention of England and America to
crush our influence in China with their power of wealth. The proposed
reduction of armaments is nothing but a means to limit our military
strength, making it impossible for us to conquer the vast territory of
China. On the other hand, China's sources of wealth will be entirely at
their disposal. It is merely a scheme by which England and America may
defeat our plans. And yet the Minseito made the Nine Power
Treaty the
important thing and emphasized our TRADE rather than our RIGHTS in
China. This is a mistaken policy -- a policy of national suicide.
England can afford to talk about trade relations only because she has
India and Australia to supply her with foodstuffs and other materials.
So can America because South America and Canada are there to supply her
needs. Their spare energy could be entirely devoted to developing trade
in China to enrich themselves. But in Japan her food supply and raw
materials decrease in proportion to her population. If we merely hope
to develop trade, we shall eventually be defeated by England and
America, who possess unsurpassable capitalistic power. In the end, we
shall get nothing. A more dangerous factor is the fact that the people
of China might some day wake up. Even during these years of internal
strife, they can still toil patiently, and try to imitate and displace
our goods so as to impair the development of our trade. When we
remember that' the Chinese are our sole customers, we must beware lest
one day when China becomes unified and her industries become
prosperous. Americans and Europeans will compete with us; our trade in
China will be wrecked. Minseito's proposal to uphold the
Nine Power
Treaty and to adopt the policy of trade towards Manchuria is nothing
less than a suicide policy.
After studying the present conditions and possibilities of our country,
our best policy lies in the direction of taking positive steps to
secure rights and privileges in Manchuria and Mongolia. These will
enable us to develop our trade. This will not only forestall China's
own industrial development, but also prevent the penetration of
European Powers. This is the best policy possible!
The way to gain actual rights in Manchuria and Mongolia is to use this
region as a base and under the pretence of trade and commerce penetrate
the rest of China. Armed by the rights already secured we shall seize
the resources all over the country. Having China's entire resources at
our disposal we shall proceed to conquer India, the Archipelago, Asia
Minor, Central Asia, and even Europe. But to get control of Manchuria
is the first step if the Yamato race wishes to distinguish themselves
in Continental Asia. Final success belongs to the country having raw
materials; the full growth of national strength belongs to the country
having extensive territory. If we pursue a positive policy to enlarge
our rights in Manchuria and China, all these prerequisites of a
powerful nation will constitute no problem. Furthermore our surplus
population of 700,000 each year will also be taken care of.
If we want to inaugurate a new policy and secure the permanent
prosperity of our empire, a positive policy towards Manchuria and
Mongolia is the only way.
MANCHURIA
AND MONGOLIA NOT CHINESE TERRITORY
Historically considered, Manchuria and Mongolia are neither China's
territory nor her special possessions. Dr. Yano has made an extensive
study of Chinese history and has come to the positive conclusion that
Manchuria and Mongolia never were Chinese territory. This fact was
announced to the world on the authority of the Imperial University. The
accuracy of Dr. Yano's investigations is such that no scholars in China
have contested his statement. However, the most unfortunate thing is in
our declaration of war with Russia our government openly recognized
China's sovereignty over these regions and later again at the
Washington Conference when we signed the Nine Power Treaty. Because of
these two miscalculations (on our part) China's sovereignty in
Manchuria and Mongolia is established in diplomatic relations, but our
interests are seriously injured. In the past, although China speaks of
the Republic of Five Races, yet Tibet, Sinkiang, Mongolia, and
Manchuria have always remained special areas and the princes are
permitted to discharge their customary functions. Therefore in reality
the sovereign power over these regions resides with the princes. When
the opportunity presents itself we should make known to the world the
actual situation there. We should also wedge our way into Outer and
Inner Mongolia in order that we may reform the mainland. So long as the
princes there maintain their former administrations, the sovereign
rights are clearly in their hands. If we want to enter these
territories, we may regard them as the ruling power and negotiate with
them for rights and privileges. We shall be afforded excellent
opportunities and our national influence will increase rapidly.
POSITIVE
POLICY IN MANCHURIA
As to the rights in Manchuria, we should take forceful steps on the
basis of the Twenty-One Demands and secure the following in order to
safeguard the enjoyment of the rights which we have acquired so far:
1. After the
thirty-year commercial lease terminates, we should be able
to extend the term at our wish. Also the right of leasing land for
commercial, industrial, and agricultural purposes should be recognized.
2. Japanese subjects shall have the right to travel and reside in the
eastern part of Mongolia, and engage in commercial and industrial
activities. As to their movements, China shall allow them freedom from
Chinese law. Furthermore, they must not be subject to illegal taxation
and unlawful examination.
3. We must have the right of exploiting the nineteen iron and coal
mines in Fengtien and Kirin, as well as the right of timbering.
4. We should have priority for building railroads and option for loans
for such purposes in South Manchuria and Eastern Mongolia.
5. The number of Japanese political, financial, and military advisers
and training officers must be increased. Furthermore, we must have
priority in furnishing new advisers.
6. The right of stationing our police over the Koreans (in China).
7. The administration and development of the Kirin-Changchun Railway
must be extended to 99 years.
8. Exclusive right of sale of special products -- priority of shipping
business to Europe and America.
9. Exclusive rights of mining in Heilungkiang. 10. Rights to construct
Kirin-Hueining and Changchun-Talai Railways.
11. In case money is needed for the redemption of the Chinese Eastern
Railway, the Japanese Government must have the first option for making
loans to China.
12. Harbour rights at Antung and Yingko and the right of through
transportation.
13. The rights of partnership in establishing a Central Rank of the
Three Eastern Provinces.
14. Right of Pasturage.
POSITIVE
POLICY TOWARDS INNER AND OUTER MONGOLIA
Since Manchuria and Mongolia are still in the hands of the former
princes in the future we must recognize them as the ruling power and
give them support. For this reason, the daughter of General Fukushima,
Governor of Kwantung risked her life among the barbarous Mongolian
people of Tushiyeh to become adviser to their Prince in order that she
might serve the Imperial Government. As the wife of the Prince Ruler is
the niece of the Manchu Prince Su, the relationship between our
Government and the Mongolian Prince became very intimate. The princes
of Outer and Inner Mongolia have all shown sincere respect for us,
especially after we allured them with special benefits and protection.
Now there are 19 Japanese retired military officers in the house of the
Tushiyeh. We have acquired already monopoly rights for the purchase of
wool, for real estate, and for mines. Hereafter we shall send secretly
more retired officers to live among them. They should wear Chinese
clothes in order to escape the attention of the Mukden Government.
Scattered in the territory of the Prince, they may engage themselves in
farming, herding, and dealing in wool. As to the other principalities,
we can employ the same methods as in Tushiyeh. Everywhere we should
station our retired military officers to dominate in the Princes'
affairs. After a large number of our people have moved into Outer and
Inner Mongolia, we shall then buy lands at one-tenth of their worth and
begin to cultivate rice where feasible in order to relieve our shortage
of food supply. Where the land is not suitable for rice cultivation we
should develop it for cattle raising and horse breeding in order to
replenish our military needs. The rest of the land could be devoted to
the manufacture of canned goods which we may export to Europe and
America. The fur and leather will also meet our needs. Once the
opportunity comes. Outer and Inner Mongolia will be ours outright.
While the sovereign rights are not clearly defined and while the
Chinese and Soviet Governments are engaging their attention elsewhere,
it is our opportunity quietly to build our influence. Once we have
purchased most of the land there, there will be no room for dispute as
to whether Mongolia belongs to the Japanese or the Mongolians. Aided by
our military prowess, we shall realize our positive policy. In order to
carry out this plan, we should appropriate Yen 1,000,000 from the
"secret funds" of the Army Department's budget so that four hundred
retired officers disguised as teachers and Chinese citizens may be sent
into Outer and Inner Mongolia to mix with the people, to gain the
confidence of the Mongolian princes, to acquire from them rights for
pasturage and mining and to lay the foundation of our national
interests for the next hundred years.
ENCOURAGEMENT
AND PROTECTION OF KOREAN IMMIGRATION
Since the annexation of Korea, we have had very little trouble. But
President Wilson's declaration of the self-determination of races after
the European War has been like a divine revelation to the suppressed
peoples. The Koreans are no exception. The spirit of unrest has
permeated the whole country. Both because of the freedom they enjoy in
Manchuria due to an incompetent police system and because of the
richness of the country, there are now in the Three Eastern Provinces
no less than 1,000,000 Koreans. The unlooked-for development is
fortunate for our country indeed. From a military and economic
standpoint, it has greatly strengthened our influence. From another
standpoint, it gives new hope for the administration of Koreans. They
will both be the vanguard for the colonization of virgin fields and
furnish a link of contact with the Chinese people. On the one hand, we
could utilize the naturalized Koreans to purchase land for rice
cultivation; on the other, we could extend to them financial aid
through the Co-operative Society, the South Manchurian Railway, etc.,
so that they may serve as the spearhead of our economic penetration.
This will give relief to our problem of food supply, as well as open a
new field of opportunity for colonization. The Koreans who have become
naturalized Chinese are Chinese only in name; they will return to our
fold eventually. They are different from those naturalized Japanese in
California and South America. They are naturalized as Chinese only for
temporary convenience. When their numbers reach 2½ million or more
they can be instigated to military activities whenever there is the
necessity, and under the pretense of suppressing the Koreans we could
bear them aid. As not all the Koreans are naturalized Chinese, the
world will not be able to tell whether it is the Chinese Koreans or the
Japanese Koreans who create the trouble. We can always sell dog's meat
with a sheep's head as a signboard.
Of course while we could use the Koreans for such purposes, we must
beware of the fact that the Chinese could also use them against us. But
Manchuria is as much under our jurisdiction as under Chinese
jurisdiction. If the Chinese should use Koreans to hamper us, then our
opportunity of war against China is at hand. In that event, the most
formidable factor is Soviet Russia. If the Chinese should use the
"Reds" to influence the Koreans, the thought of our people will change
and great peril will befall us. Therefore, the present Cabinet is
taking every precaution against this eventuality. If we want to make
use of the Koreans to develop our new continental empire, our
protection and regulation for them must be more carefully worked out.
We should increase our police force in North Manchuria under the terms
of the Mitsuya Treaty so that we may protect the Koreans and give them
help in their rapid advance. Furthermore, the Eastern Development
Company (Totuku Kaisha) and the South Manchurian Railway Company should
follow then to give them financial aid. They should be given especially
favorable terms so that through them we may develop Manchuria and
Mongolia and monopolize the commercial rights. The influx of Koreans
into these territories is of such obvious importance both for economic
and military considerations that the Imperial Government cannot afford
not to give it encouragement. It will mean new opportunities for our
empire. Since the effect of, the Lansing-Ishii Agreement is lost after
the Washington Conference, we can only recover our interests through
the favourable development arising out of the presence of several
millions of Koreans in Manchuria. There is no ground in international
relations for raising any objection to this procedure.
RAILROADS
AND DEVELOPMENT OF OUR NEW CONTINENT
Transportation is the mother of the national defense, the assurance of
victory and the citadel of economic development. China has only 7,200
to 7,300 miles of railroads, of which three thousand miles are in
Manchuria and Mongolia, constituting two-fifths of the whole.
Considering the size of Manchuria and Mongolia and the abundance of
natural products, there should be at least five or six thousand miles
more It is a pity that our railroads are mostly in South Manchuria,
which cannot reach the sources of wealth in the northern parts.
Moreover, there are too many Chinese inhabitants in South Manchuria to
be wholesome for our military and economic plans If we wish to develop
the natural resources and strengthen our national defense, we must
build railroads in Northern Manchuria. With the opening of these
railroads, we shall be able to send more people (Japanese) into
Northern Manchuria. From this vantage ground we can manipulate
political and economic developments in South Manchuria, as well as
strengthen our national defense in the interest of peace and order of
the Far East. Furthermore, the South Manchurian Railway was built
mainly for economic purposes. If lacks encircling lines necessary for
military mobilization and transportation. From now on we must take
military purposes as our object and build circuit lines to circle the
heart of Manchuria and Mongolia in order that we may hamper China's
military, political, and economic developments there on the one hand,
and prevent the penetration of Russian influence on the other. This is
the key to our continental policy.
There are two trunk lines in Manchuria and Mongolia. These are the
Chinese Eastern Railway and the South Manchurian Railway. As regards
the railroad built by the Chinese, it will doubtless become very
powerful in time, backed by the financial resources of the Kirin
Provincial Government. With the combined resources of Fengtien and
Heilungkiang Provinces, the Chinese railroads will develop to an extent
far superior to our South Manchurian Railway. Strong competition will
inevitably result. Fortunately for us, the financial conditions in
Fengtien Province are in great disorder, which the authorities cannot
improve unless we come to their succor. This is our chance. We should
take positive steps until we have reached our goal in railroad
development. Moreover, if we manipulate the situation, the Fengtien
banknotes will depreciate to an inconceivable degree. In that event,
the bankruptcy of Fengtien will be a matter of time. The development of
Manchuria and Mongolia will be out of the question for them. But we
still have to reckon with the Chinese Eastern Railway. It forms a T
with the South Manchurian Railway. Although this system is a convenient
shape, it is by no means suitable for military purposes. When the
Chinese build railroads as feeders of the Chinese Eastern Railway, it
is best that they run parallel to it, west and east. But with the South
Manchurian Railway as main line, we must have these lines run north and
south. For the benefit of these Chinese themselves, there are also
advantages for these lines to run in this direction. Consequently our
interest does not necessarily conflict with the Chinese. Now that
Russia is losing influence and is powerless to advance in Manchuria and
Mongolia, it is certain that the Chinese must act according to our
reckoning in the development of railways in the future. Much to our
surprise the Fengtien Government recently built two railroads, one from
Tahushan to Tungliao and the other from Kirin to Haining, both for
military purposes. These two railroads affect most seriously our
military plans in Manchuria and Mongolia as well as the interest of the
South Manchurian Railway. We therefore protested strongly against it.
That these railways were built was due to the fact that our official on
the spot as well as the South Manchurian Railway authorities
miscalculated the ability of the Fengtien Government and paid no
attention to it. Later when we did intervene the railways were already
completed. Besides, the Americans have been anxious to make an
investment in developing the port of Hu-lu-tao through British
capitalists. Taking advantage of this situation, the Fengtien
Government introduced American and British capital in these railways in
order to hold our interest at bay. For the time being we have to wink
at it and wait for opportune moment to deal with China about these two
railroads.
Recently, it is rumoured, that the Fengtien Government is planning to
build a railroad from Tahushan to Harbin via Tungliao and Fuyu, so that
there may be a direct line between Peking and Harbin without touching
either the South Manchurian Railway or the Chinese Eastern Railway.
What is more astonishing is that another railway beginning at Mukden
passing through Hailung, Kirin, Wuchang and terminating at Harbin is
also under way. If this plan goes through, then these two lines would
encircle the South Manchurian Railway and limit its sphere of
activities to a small area. The result is that our economic and
political development of Manchuria and Mongolia will be checked and the
plan for curtailing our power by the Nine Power Treaty will be carried
out. Moreover, the completion of these two railroads will render the
South Manchurian Railway completely useless. The latter company will be
confronted with a real crisis. But in view of China's financial
conditions today, she cannot undertake these two railroads unless she
resorts to foreign loans. And on these two railways the transportation
charges will have to be higher than on the South Manchuria Railway.
These considerations give us some comfort. But in the event of these
two railroads becoming an accomplished fact and the Chinese Government
making especially low freight charges in order to compete with the
South Manchurian Railway, not only we but the Chinese Eastern Railway
will also sustain great losses. Japan and Russia certainly would not
allow China to carry out such obstructive measures, especially as the
Chinese Eastern Railway depends upon Tsitsihar and Harbin for the bulk
of its business. The consequence would be even more serious to both
Japanese and Russian interests when the new railways are completed.
Let us consider more in detail the competitive railways projected in
Manchuria and Mongolia. China contemplates:
1. Suolun-Taonan
Railway.
2. Kirin-Harbin Railway.
Soviet Russia proposes:
1. Anta-Potung
Railway.
2. Mienpo-Wuchang-Potuna Railway.
3. Kirin-Hailin Railway.
4. Mishan-Muling Railway.
The Russian plans are designed to strengthen the Chinese Eastern
Railway and thereby to extend Russia's imperialistic schemes. For this
reason the railways projected mostly run east and west. For although
the power of Soviet Russia is declining, her ambition in Manchuria and
Mongolia has not diminished for a minute. Every step she takes is
intended to obstruct our progress and to injure the South Manchurian
Railway. We must do our utmost to guard against her influence. We
should use the Fengtien Government as a wedge to check her southern
advance. By pretending to check the southern advance of Soviet Russia
as a first step, we could gradually force our way into North Manchuria
and exploit the natural resources there. We shall then be able to
prevent the spread of Chinese influence on the south and arrest the
advance of Soviet Russia on the north. In our struggle against the
political and economic influence of Soviet Russia, we should drive
China before us and direct the event from behind. Meanwhile, we should
still secretly befriend Russia in order to hamper the growth of Chinese
influence. It was largely with this purpose in view that Baron Goto of
Kato's cabinet invited Joffe to our country and advocated the
resumption of diplomatic relations with Russia.
Although we have an agreement with the Chinese Eastern Railway
concerning transportation rates, according to which 45% go to the
Chinese Eastern Railway and 55% to us, yet the Chinese Eastern Railway
still grants preferential rates detrimental to the interest of the
South Manchurian Railway. Moreover, according to a secret declaration
of Soviet Russia, although they have no territorial ambition they
cannot help keeping a hand in the Chinese Eastern Railway on account of
the fact that north of the Chinese and Russian boundary the severe cold
makes a railway valueless. Furthermore, as Vladivostok is their only
seaport in the Far East, they cannot give up the Chinese Eastern
Railway without losing also their foothold on the Pacific. This makes
us feel the more uneasy.
On the other hand the South Manchurian Railway is not adequate for our
purpose. Considering our present needs and future activities, we must
control railways in both North and South Manchuria, especially in view
of the fact that the resources of North Manchuria and Eastern Mongolia
will furnish no room for expansion and material gains. In South
Manchuria the Chinese are increasing at such a rate that it surely will
damage our interests politically and economically. Under such
circumstances, we are compelled to take aggressive steps in North
Manchuria in order to assure our future prosperity. But if the Chinese
Eastern Railway of Soviet Russia should spread across this field, our
new continental policy is bound to receive a setback which will result
in an inevitable conflict with Soviet Russia in the near future. In
that event we shall enact once more our part in the Russo-Japanese War.
The Chinese Eastern Railway will become ours as the South Manchurian
Railway did last time, and we shall seize Kirin as we once did Dairen.
That we should draw swords with Russia again in the fields of Mongolia
in order to gain the wealth of North Manchuria seems a necessary step
in our program of national aggrandizement. Until this hidden rock is
blown up our ships can have not smooth sailing. We should now demand
from China the right of building all the important military railroads.
When these railroads are completed, we shall pour our forces into North
Manchuria as far as we can. When Soviet Russia intervenes, as they
must, that is our opportunity for open conflict.
We should insist on the building of the following railroads:
1. Tungliao-Jehol. This line is 447 miles long and will cost Yen
50,000,000. When it is completed it will be of great value to our
development of Inner Mongolia. As a matter of fact, this is the most
important of all the railways in the whole undertaking. According to
the careful surveys of the War Department, there are in Inner Mongolia
large tracts of land suitable for rice cultivation. After proper
development there will be room for at least 20 millions of our people.
There is besides the possibility of turning out 2,000,000 head of
cattle which may be transported by railways for food supply and for
purposes of exporting to Europe and America. Wool also is a special
product. While the sheep in Japan yield only two catties of wool per
head per year, the sheep in Mongolia can yield six catties. The South
Manchurian Railway has made many experiments, all of which confirm this
fact. Besides, the wool is many times better than that of Australia.
Its low cost and high quality combined with its abundance in quantity
make Mongolia a potential source of great wealth. When this industry is
enhanced by the facilities of railway development, the total production
will increase at least tenfold. We have withheld this knowledge from
the rest of the world, lest England and America compete with us for it.
Therefore, we must first of all control the transportation and then
develop the wool industry. By the time the other countries came to know
about it, it would be already too late to do anything. With this
railroad in our hands we can develop the wool industry not only for our
own use, but also for exporting to Europe and America. Furthermore, we
can realize, our desire of joining hands with Mongolia. This railway is
a matter of life and death to our policy in Mongolia. Without it, Japan
can have no part in Mongolia's development.
2. Suolun-Taonan Railway. This line is 136 miles long and will cost Yen
10,000,000. Looking into the future of Japan, a war with Russia over
the plains of North Manchuria is inevitable. From a military
standpoint, this line will not only enable us to threaten Russia's
rear, but also to curtail its reinforcements for North Manchuria. From
an economic standpoint, this road will place the wealth of the
Tao-er-ho Valley within our reach, thereby strengthening the South
Manchuria Railway. The princes nearby who are friendly to us can also
use this road to extend our influence in order to open up their
respective territories. Our hope of working hand in hand with the
Mongolian princes, of acquiring land, mines and pasturage, and of
developing trade with the natives as preliminary steps for later
penetration, all depend upon this railway. Together with the
Tungliao-Jehol Railway, they will form two supplementary routes into
Mongolia. When the industries are fully developed, we shall extend our
interests into Outer Mongolia. But the danger of this line is that it
might provide facilities for Chinese migration into a new region and
spoil our policy. Look at our experience with the South Manchurian
Railway. Hasn't that served the interest of China? The redeeming
feature, however, is the fact that the land and mines along this
railway are in the possession of Mongolian princes. If we can gain
possession of them first, we need have no worries about Chinese
migration. Moreover, we can make the princes pass laws discriminating
against Chinese immigrants. When life there is made miserable for the
Chinese, they naturally will leave for places afar. There are other
methods to bar the Chinese. Only if we try hard enough, no Chinese
footprints will be found on Mongolian territory.
3. A section of the Changchun-Taonan Railway. As this line runs from
Changchun to Fuyu and Talai, the section between Changchun and Taonan
is about 131 miles and costs approximately Yen 11,000,000. This line is
immensely important from an economic standpoint, for the wealth of
Manchuria and Mongolia lies all in North Manchuria. It will enable us
to have an easy access to North Manchuria on the one hand, and
prejudice the Chinese Eastern Railway to the benefit of the South
Manchurian Railway on the other. It runs through the upper valley of
the Sungari River where the soil is fertile and agricultural products
abound. Further, in the vicinity of Talai there is the Yueh-Liang Falls
which could be harnessed for electric power. That this section of the
railway will be a prosperous center for industry and agriculture is
beyond doubt. After the completion of this line, we shall be able to
make Talai a base and advance on Siberia in three directions; namely,
by way of Taonan, Anshan and Tsitsihar. The wealth of North Manchuria
will then come to our hands. This will also be the first line of
advance to Heilungkiang. It will further form a circuit with the
railway between Changchun and Taonan, which will serve well for
military purposes when we penetrate into Mongolia. Along this whole
line the population is sparse and the land is rich and extensive. No
fertilizer will be required on the farms for fifty years. A possession
of this railway will ensure the possession of all the wealth of North
Manchuria and Mongolia. In this region there is room for at least 30
million people more. When the Tunhua Railway is completed and joins up
with the line running to Hueinnig in Korea, the products will be
brought to the door of Osaka and Tokyo by a direct route. In time of
war our troops could be dispatched to North Manchuria and Mongolia via
the Japan Sea without a stop, forestalling all possibilities of Chinese
forces entering North Manchuria. Nor could American or Russian
submarines enter the Korean Strait. The moment the railways between
Kirin and Huening and between Changchun and Talai are completed, we
shall become self-sufficient in foodstuffs and raw materials. We shall
have no worries in the event of war with any country. Then, in our
negotiation with Manchuria and Mongolia, China will be cowed into
submission and yield to our wishes. If we want to end the political
existence of Manchuria and Mongolia according to the third step of
Meiji's plan, the completion of these two railways is the only way. The
Changchun-Talai Railway will greatly enhance the value of the South
Manchurian Railway, besides developing into a profitable line itself.
It is an undertaking of supreme importance in our penetration into this
territory.
4. The Kirin-Hueining Line. While the Kirin-Tunhua Line is already
completed, the Hunhua-Hueining Line is yet to be built. The narrow
gauge of 2 ft. 6 inches of the track from Hueining to Laotaukow is
inadequate for the economic development of the New Continent. Allowing
Yen 8,000,000 for widening the tracks in this section and Yen
10,000,000 for completing the section between Laotoukow and Tunhua, the
whole undertaking will cost approximately Yen 20,000,000. When this is
done, our continental policy will have succeeded. Hitherto, people
going to Europe had to pass through either Dairen or Vladivostok. Now
they can go on the trunk line directly from Chingchinkwang via the
Siberian Railway. When we are in control of this great system of
transportation, we need make no secret of our designs on Manchuria or
Mongolia, according to the third step of Meiji's plans. The Yamato Race
is then embarked on the journey of world conquest! According to the
last will of Meiji, our first step was to conquer Formosa and the
second step to annex Korea. Having completed both of these, the third
step is yet to be taken and that is the conquest of Manchuria,
Mongolia, and China. When this is done, the rest of Asia, including the
South Sea Islands, will be at our feet. That these injunctions have not
been carried out even now is a crime of your humble servants.
In history of the people living in Kirin, Fengtien, and part of
Heilungkiang, are called Sushan. They are now scattered along the sea
coast and in the basins of the Amur and Tumen rivers. They were known
as Kulai, Sushan, Hueibei, Palou, Wotsu, Fuyu, Kitan, Pohai, and Nuchen
at different stages of history. They were of a mixed race. The
forefathers of the Manchurian dynasty also began in this vicinity. They
gained control of Kirin first, and then firmly established themselves
in China for 300 years. If we want to put into effect our Continental
Policy, we have to note this historical fact and proceed to establish
ourselves in this region first also. Hence the necessity of the
Kirin-Huenining Railway.
Whether the terminus of the Kirin-Huenining Line be at Chingchu or
Lochin or even Hshiungchi, we are free to decide according to
circumstances. From the standpoint of national defense at present
Lochin seems the ideal harbour and terminus. Eventually it will be the
best harbour in the world. On the one hand it will ruin Vladivostok,
and on the other it will be the center of the wealth of Manchuria and
Mongolia. Moreover, Dairen is as yet not our own territory. While
Manchuria is yet not a part of our empire, it is difficult to develop
Dairen. That being the case, we shall be in precarious situation in
time of war. The enemy could blockade the Tsushima and Senchima
Straits, and we will be cut off from the supplies of Manchuria and
Mongolia. Not having the resources there at our command, we will be
vanquished, especially as England and the United States have worked
hand in hand to limit our action in every possible direction. For the
sake of self-preservation and of giving warning to China and the rest
of the world, we must fight America some time. The American Asiatic
Squadron stationed in the Philippines is but within a stone's throw
from Tsushima and Senchima. If they send submarines to these quarters,
our supply of foodstuffs and raw materials from Manchuria and Mongolia
will be cut off entirely. But if the Kirin-Huenining Railway is
completed, we shall have a large circuit line through all Manchuria and
Korea, and a small circuit line through North Manchuria. We shall have
access in all directions, gaining freedom for the transportation of
soldiers and supplies alike. When our supplies are transported through
this line to our ports at Tsuruga and Niigata, enemy submarines will
have no way of getting into the Japanese and Korean Straits. We are
then entirely free from interference. This is what is meant by making
the Japanese Sea the center of our national defense. Having secured the
free transportation of food and raw materials, we shall have nothing to
fear either from the American navy because of its size or the Chinese
or Russian army because of their number. Incidentally, we shall be in a
position to suppress the Koreans. Let me reiterate the fact that if we
want to carry out the New Continental Policy, we must build this line.
Manchuria and Mongolia are the undeveloped countries in the East. Over
this territory we shall have to go to war with Soviet Russia sooner or
later. The battle ground will be Kirin.
When we carry out the third step of Meiji's plans with regard to China,
we shall have to do the following things:
1. Mobilize the army divisions in Fukuoka and Hiroshima, and send them
to South Manchuria via Korea. This will prevent the northern advance of
Chinese soldiers.
2. Send the army divisions in Nagaya and Kwensei by sea to Chingchin,
and thence to North Manchuria via the Kirin-Hueining Line.
3. Send the army in Kwantung through Niigata to Chingchin or Lochin,
and thence by Kirin-Hueining Line to North Manchuria.
4. Send the army divisions in Hokkaido and Sendai to embark the ship at
Aomori and Hakodate, and sail for Vladivostok; thence via the Siberian
Railway to Harbin. Then they can descend on Fengtien, seize Mongolia
and prevent Russian forces from coming south.
5. Finally the divisions in all directions will meet and form
themselves into two large armies. On the south, they will keep
Shanhaikwan and close it against the northern advance of Chinese
forces; on the north, they will defend Tsitsihar against the southern
advance of the Russians. In this way we shall have all the resources of
Manchuria and Mongolia at our command. Even if the war should be
prolonged for ten years, we need have no fear for the lack of supplies.
Let us now analyze once more the Kirin-Hueining Railway from the
standpoint of its access from our ports.
First with Chingchin as the starting point.
1. To Vladivostok --- 130 miles
2. To Tsuruga --- 475 miles
3. To Moji --- 500 miles
4. To Nagasaki --- 650 miles
5. To Fushan --- 500 miles
Second, take Tsuruga as the port of entry and compare it with Dairen.
In this case we should consider it from the point of view of Osaka as
industrial center.
1. From Chungchun to
Osaka via Lochin, the distance is 406 miles by
land and 475 miles by sea. In point of time the route will take 51
hours.
2. From Changchun to Osaka via Dairen and Kobe, the distance is 535
miles by land and 870 miles by sea. In point of time it takes 92 hours.
If Tsuruga instead of Dairen is made the connecting link, there is a
saving of 41 hours. Calculated at the rate of 30 miles an hour on land
and 12 miles an hour by sea, we can use fast boats and trains and cut
the time in half.
Manchuria and Mongolia are the Belgium of the Far
East. In the Great War, Belgium was the battlefield. In our wars with
Russia and the United States, we must also make Manchuria and Mongolia
suffer the ravages. As it is evident that we have to violate the
neutrality of these territories, we cannot help building the
Kirin-Hueining and Changchun-Talai Railways in order that we may be
militarily prepared. In time of war we can easily increase our forces
and in time of peace we can migrate thousands upon thousands of people
into this region and work on the rice fields. This line offers the key
to economic development as well as to military conquests.
In undertaking the Kirin-Hueining Railway, it is necessary to take
advantage of the dry season and finish it at one stretch. The mountains
we must go through are all granite. The tunneling would need modern and
up-to-date machines. As to the sleepers and ballast required, there is
an abundance all along the line. Limestone and clay for making tiles
and brick are also to be had for the taking. Only rails, cars and
locomotives have to be brought in. The cost of construction could
therefore be reduced at least thirty percent and the time required
forty percent.
Now let us look into the economic interests along this line. According
to the careful investigation of our General Staff and the South
Manchurian Railway, the total reserve of timber is 200,000,000 tons. If
one million tons is felled and imported to our country each year, it
will last two hundred years. This will stop the imports of American
timber which has been costing us Yen 80,000,000 to Yen 100,000,000 a
year. Although our information is reliable, we cannot make it known to
the world; for if China or Russia learns that we got so much timber
from America, they would try to interfere with the construction of this
line. Or else, the United States may buy from the Fengtien Government
all the timber rights on the one hand to protect their own trade with
us; on the other, to control the monopoly and incidentally kill our
paper industry.
Kirin was known as the "ocean of trees" even in the days of Emperor
Chienliung. Added to the original forests are the growths in the
intervening years since that time. Imagine the vastness of the
resources! To transport this timber from Kirin to Osaka via Changchun
and Dairen, there is a distance of 1,385 miles. For every cubic foot,
we have to spend 34 cents. Because of this high cost of transportation,
we cannot compete with the United States. If the Kirin-Hueining Line is
completed, the distance is reduced to about 70 miles. We can ship
timber to Osaka at the low rate of 13 cents per cubic foot. We can
certainly defeat the timber from the United States then. Supposing we
calculate the profit at Yen 5.00 per ton of timber and supposing there
are two billion tons of timber, the construction of the railway will
bring to us the easy profit of 10 million yen. Besides, we will bar the
import of American timber into our country. Furthermore, the industry
of furniture making, paper manufacture, and other usages which the
cheap timber makes possible will add 20 million yen more to our
country's annual income.
There is also the Hsin Chin coal mine, which has a reserve of
600,000,000 tons of coal. The quality of this coal is superior to that
of Fushun coal, easy to excavate and suitable for the extraction of
petroleum, agricultural fertilizers, and other chemical by-products
which we may both use at home and sell in China. There are numerous
other advantages which will come to us from the building of the
Kirin-Huening Railway. It is all gain without labour. The coal will
supplement the Fushun collieries. With both coal mines in our control,
we hold the key to the industries of all China. Speaking of the Hsin
Chin coal, we shall reap a profit of Yen 5.00 on each ton when it is
shipped to Japan. With additional chemical by-products, we shall reap a
profit of Yen 16.00 from each ton of coal. Taking an average profit of
Yen 15.00 a ton, the total profit will amount to 200 billion yen. All
this comes as a by-product from the operation of the Kirin-Hueining
Railway. There are, besides, the gold mines along the Mutan River. The
acquired rights of the South Manchuria Railway in the gold mines of
Chia-Pi-kou in the province of Kirin and the timber in the neighborhood
will all be within reach of exploitation once the Kirin-Hueining line
is in operation.
In the vicinity of Tunhua, the agricultural products such as oats,
wheat, millet, and kaoliang, yield an annual output of over a million
catties. There are twenty distilleries of wines, thirty oil mills
yielding an annual output of about 600,000 catties of oil and 600,000'
of bean cakes, besides many places for making vermicelli. All these
will depend upon the new railway. The trade along this load may be
estimated at 4 million yen a year. The transportation charges of farm
products alone will not only defray the running expenses, but also
yield a net profit of Yen 200,000 per year. Including the net profit
from timber, coal, and its byproducts transported by the railways, we
can safely count on a profit of Yen 8,000,000 a year. Besides, there
are indirect benefits such as strengthening of the South Manchurian
Railway, the acquisition of rights over forests, mines, and trade as
well as the migration of large numbers of our people into North
Manchuria. Above all, is the shortening of distance between Japan and
the resources of wealth in North Manchuria. It takes only three hours
from Chingchin to Hueining, three hours from Hueining to Sanfeng and
three hours more from Tumen River to Lung-Ching-Tsun. In 60 hours we
can reach the wealth of North Manchuria. Hence the Kirin-Hueining
Railroad alone can enable us to tap the immense wealth of North
Manchuria.
4. Hunchun-Hailin Railway. This is 173 miles long and costs Yen
24,000,000. All along this line are thick forests. In order to
strengthen the Kirin-Hueining Railway and to exploit the forests and
mines in North Manchuria, this line is needed. In order to transfer the
prosperity of Vladivostok to Hueining, this line is also urgently
needed. The greatest hope for prosperity, however, is the fact that
south of Naining and north of Tunhua there is Lake Ching Po which can
be used to generate electric power. With this electric power, we shall
have control over the agricultural and industrial undertakings of the
whole of Manchuria and Mongolia. No amount of China's agitation can
matter in the least to our industrial developments. According to the
investigations of the Manchuria Railway, the water power in the lake
can generate at least 800,000 horsepower. With such an enormous
quantity of electric power, the industrial conquest of Manchuria and
Mongolia can be easily accomplished. In the neighbourhood of this
immense power plant, there will be phenomenal growth of wealth. We must
build this railway quickly, in order to provide facilities for
transportation. Lake Hsing Kai, which is owned jointly by China and
Russia, can also be developed for the generation of electricity. In
order that these two countries may not combine to frustrate our plans,
we should introduce a resolution in the international Conference of
Electrical Engineering to be held in Tokyo this year, to the effect
that in the same area of electricity supply there should not be two
power plants. Besides, in the vicinity of Niigata and Hailin, the Oju
Paper Mill has acquired extensive rights of lumbering. They need the
immediate establishment of the power plant at Lake Chingpo and the
early completion of the Hunchun-Hailin Railway in order to bring to the
factory at home the raw materials growing wild in Mongolia.
Moreover, the reason that the Fengtien-Kirin-Wuchang Railway and the
Kirin-tien authorities intend to build the Wuchung Railway and the
Kirin-Mukden Railway, with Hulutao or Tientsin as seaport, is that they
want to recover for themselves the wealth of North Manchuria. By
building the Hunchun-Hailin Railway we shall not only strengthen the
Kirin-Hueining Railway, but also defeat the Chinese scheme and draw the
wealth of Manchuria to Chingchin Harbour. The transportation charges
will be two-thirds less compared with the Chinese line and one-third
less compared with the Siberian line. They cannot compete with us. Our
victory is a foregone conclusion.
The total trade in Manchuria is seven or eight billion yen a year, all
of which is in our hands. The business we do in wool, cotton, soybeans,
bean cakes, and iron, forms one-twentieth of the total volume of world
trade. And it is steadily increasing. But the Namihaya Machi at Dairen
(the wealthiest street in the city) is still in Chinese possession. The
sad story goes further. Oil is a basic industry in Manchuria. We
control only six percent of it. Of the 38 oil mills in Yingkow there is
not one Japanese; of the 20 oil mills in Antung there is only one
Japanese and of the 82 or 83 oil mills in Dairen there are only seven
owned by Japanese. This is by no means an optimistic outlook for us. In
order to recover the lost ground, we must first of all develop
transportation. Then, by securing a monopoly on both finished products
and raw materials, we shall be able to gain the upper hand eventually,
furthermore, we ought to assist our people in the oil business by
extending to them financial credit, so that the oil industry of the
Chinese will be forced out of the market. There are many Chinese on
Kawaguchi Machi in Osaka who are dealers of our manufactured goods in
Mongolia and Manchuria. They are strong competitors of our own business
men in China. Our people are greatly handicapped because of their high
standard of living which compels them to figure at a higher percentage
of profit. On the other hand, the Chinese also have their
disadvantages. The goods that they get are of an inferior quality, but
the price that they pay is at least 10 per cent higher than what our
own people pay. Besides, they are also obliged to pay Yen 2.70 more
than our people for every ton of goods transported, and yet they can
undersell our merchants in Manchuria. It clearly shows the inability of
our own people. When one thinks of it, it is really pathetic. The
Chinese is single-handed, receiving no assistance from the government.
But the Japanese in Manchuria has every protection from the government
and long-term credit at a low rate of interest. Still there are
innumerable cases of failures. Hereafter, we should organize a
cooperative exporting house to China. The steamship lines and the South
Manchurian Railway should give it special discounts, and the government
in Kwantung should extend to it financial credit at a very low rate of
interest. Then we can hope to beat the Chinese merchants and recover
our trade rights, so that we may develop the special products of
Manchuria and send them to all parts of the world.
The first step in gaining financial and commercial control of Manchuria
and Mongolia lies in the monopoly sale of their products. We must have
the rights of monopoly for the sale of Manchurian and Mongolian
products before we can carry out our Continental Policy and prevent the
invasion of American capital as well as the influence of the Chinese
traders.
Although the products of Manchuria and Mongolia may go through any of
the three ports, Dairen, Yingkow and Antung, nevertheless Dairen holds
the key to the situation. Every year 7,200 ships pass through this port
with a total tonnage of 11,565,000 tons. This represents 70 percent of
the total trade of Manchuria and Mongolia. Fifteen navigation routes
radiate out from it with definite sailing schedules. Most of it is
coastal sailing. We have in our grasp the entire transportation system
of Manchuria and Mongolia. The monopoly sale of Manchuria's special
products will eventually come into our hands. When that comes true, we
can develop our oceanic transportation in order to defeat both Yingkow
and Antung. Then the large quantities of beans which the central and
southern parts of China consume, will depend upon us entirely.
Moreover, the Chinese are an oil eating people. In time of war, we can
cut off their oil supply and the life of the whole country will become
miserable. Bean cakes are important as fertilizers for the cultivation
of rice. If we have control of the source of supply as well as the
means of transportation, we shall be able to increase our production of
rice by means of a cheap supply of bean-cakes and the fertilizers
manufactured as a byproduct at the Fushun coal mines. In this way, we
shall have the agricultural work of all China dependent upon us. In
case of war, we can put an embargo on bean-cakes as well as the mineral
fertilizers and forbid their exportation to Central and South China.
Then China's production of food-stuffs will be greatly reduced. This is
one way of building up our continental empire which we must not
overlook. We should remember that Europe and America also need large
quantities of beans and beancakes. When we have a monopoly of the
supplies and full control of transportation, both on land and sea, the
countries which have need of the special products of Manchuria and
Mongolia will have to seek our good will. In order to gain trade
monopoly in Manchuria and Mongolia, we must have control of the
complete transportation system. Only then can we have the Chinese
merchants under our thumb.
However, the Chinese are adepts in learning our tricks and beating us
at our own game. We have yet found no way by which we can compete
successfully with them in oil-making and sail-boat transportation.
After building up the new system of transportation, our policy should
bet twofold. On the one hand, wreck the sail-boat trade by means of
heavy investment in our own system. On the other hand, encourage our
men to learn all they can from the Chinese sail-boat business. Another
thing we should be careful about is teaching the Chinese our industrial
methods. In the past we have established factories in Manchuria and
Mongolia, and carried on industries near the source of raw materials.
This gave to the Chinese the opportunity of learning our secrets and
establishing competitive factories of their own. Hereafter, we should
ship the raw materials back home and do the manufacturing there, and
then ship the finished products for sale in China and other countries.
In this way we shall gain in three ways: (1) provide work for our
unemployed at home; (2) prevent the influx of Chinese into Manchuria
and Mongolia, and (3) make it impossible for the Chinese to imitate our
new industrial methods. Then iron of Penhsihu and Anshan and the coal
of Fushun should also be sent home to be turned into finished products.
For all these considerations, the development of ocean transportation
becomes the more necessary. The Dairen Kisen Kaisha Company should be
enlarged and our government should extend to it loans at low interest
through the South Manchurian Railway company. By next year we should
complete 50,000 tons of new ships for oceanic transportation. That will
be sufficient to dominate over the traffic of the East. For on the one
hand we have the South Manchurian Railway for land transportation; on
the other hand, we control the large quantities of products in
Manchuria and Mongolia awaiting to be transported. The success of this
enlarged activity in oceanic transportation with Dairen as center is
assured by the -iron laws of economics.
GOLD-STANDARD
CURRENCY NECESSARY
Although Manchuria and Mongolia are within our field of activities, yet
the legal tender there is still silver. It often conflicts with our
gold basis and works to our disadvantage. That our people have failed
to prosper as they should in these places, is due to the existence of
the silver monetary system there. The Chinese have persistently upheld
the silver basis, and therefore have made it impossible for us firmly
to establish our colonization plans on a firm economic foundation. We
have suffered from it the following disadvantages:
1. The money that we bring into Manchuria is of gold standard. When we
use it either for daily livelihood or for industry and trade, it has to
be exchanged in Chinese silver dollars. The fluctuation of exchange is
not infrequently as much as 20 percent, resulting in serious loss to
our people. Speculation becomes a regular business and investing money
becomes a matter of gambling. When one plans an investment of two
hundred thousand yen, one may suddenly find that his capital has been
reduced to one hundred and fifty or one hundred sixty thousand dollars
due to the drop in exchange. The creditor would then have to call in
the loans and business failures have often resulted.
2. The Chinese businessmen use silver money throughout and are free
from the effects of the exchange fluctuations. Therefore their "junk"
trade is prosperous. Although they have no scientific knowledge of the
exchange value of gold and silver, they always gain in the transaction.
They have a natural gift for it; we suffer the more. And we lost in
spite of our control of the transportation and special backing of
banking houses. Because of the handicap of the monetary system, people
in Central and South China always buy beans and bean-cakes from their
own people. We have no chance against them. In consequence, we cannot
conquer the whole of China.
3. With the silver standard in existence, the Chinese Government can
increase their notes to counteract our gold notes. Consequently our
banks will fail to carry out the mission of extending our country's
influence.
4. If the gold standard is adopted, we can issue gold notes freely.
With the credit of the gold notes, we can acquire rights in real
property and natural resources and defeat the credit of the Chinese
silver notes. The Chinese will be unable to compete with us; and the
currency of the whole of Manchuria and Mongolia will be in our control.
5. The Government Bank of the Three Eastern Provinces, the Bank of
Communications, the Frontier Development Bank and the General Credit
and Finance Corporation have in circulation silver notes amounting to
$38,000,000. Their reserve funds in the form of buildings and goods are
estimated at $1,350,000. It is natural that the Chinese notes should
depreciate. It is only by acts of the Government that these notes are
still in circulation. Until we have entirely discredited the Chinese
silver notes, we will never place our gold notes in their proper place
in Manchuria and Mongolia, much less obtain the monopoly in currency
and finance of these two countries. With the depreciated and
inconvertible silver notes, the government of the Three Eastern
Provinces buys all kinds of products, thus threatening our vested
interests. When they sell these products, they demand gold from us
which they keep for the purpose of wrecking our financial interests
including our trade rights in special products. For these reasons, our
gold notes are having a harder time and a gold standard for currency
becomes the more urgently necessary.
In view of the above-mentioned considerations, we must overthrow
Manchuria's inconvertible silver notes and divest the government of its
purchasing power. Then we can extend the use of our gold notes in the
hope of dominating the economic and financial activities of Manchuria
and Mongolia. Furthermore, we can compel the authorities of the Three
Eastern Provinces to employ Japanese financial advisers to help us gain
supremacy in financial matters. When the Chinese notes are overthrown,
our gold notes will take their place.
ENCOURAGE
INVESTMENT FROM A THIRD POWER
It has been our traditional policy to exclude from Manchuria and
Mongolia investments of a third power. But since the Nine Power Treaty
is based on the principle of the International Consortium which regards
Manchuria and Mongolia as outside its sphere it becomes anachronistic.
We are constantly under the watchful eyes of the Powers, and every step
that we take arouses suspicion. This being the case, we better invite
foreign investments in such enterprises as the development of electric
power or the manufacture of alkali. By using American and European
capital, we can further our plans for the development of Manchuria and
Mongolia. By so doing, we shall allay international suspicion and clear
the way for larger plans on the one hand and induce the Powers to
recognize the fact of our special position in that country on the
other. We should welcome any power wishing to make investment, but we
must not allow China to deal with the leading countries at her will. As
we are anxious that the Powers recognize the fact of our special
position in Manchuria and Mongolia in political as well as economic
affairs, we are obliged to intervene and share all responsibilities
with her. To make this a customary practice in our diplomatic dealings,
is another important policy for us.
THE
NECESSITY OF CHANGING THE ORGANIZATION OF THE SOUTH MANCHURIAN
RAILWAY
The South Manchurian Railway Company functions in Manchuria as the
Governor-General of Korea did there before the annexation. In order to
build up our new Continental Empire, we must change the organization of
that Company so as to break away from the present difficulties. The
functions of this Company are varied and important. Every change of
cabinet involves a change of the administration of the South Manchurian
Railway, and conversely every activity of the South Manchurian Railway
also has important consequences on the cabinet. This is because the
South Manchurian Railway is semi-governmental, with final authority
resting in the cabinet. For this reason, the Powers invariably look
upon the railway as a purely political organ rather than a business
enterprise. Whenever a new move is made for the development of
Manchuria and Mongolia, the Powers would invoke the Nine Power Treaty
to thwart the plans of the South Manchurian Railway. This has greatly
damaged the interest of our empire.
Considered from the point of view of domestic administration, the South
Manchurian Railway is subject to a quadruple control. There are the
Governor of Kwantung, the Chief Executive of Dairen, the Consul-General
at Mukden, besides the President of the South Manchurian Railway
itself. These four officers must meet and exchange views at Dairen
before anything is undertaken. What is discussed in the meeting held in
camera often leaks out to the Chinese authorities of the Three Eastern
Provinces. They in turn would try to obstruct any forward movements of
the South Manchurian Railway authorization, it again has to run the
gauntlet at the Departments of Foreign Affairs, of Railways, of Finance
and of Army. If these ministers do not agree, the matter is dropped.
Therefore, although the present prime minister realizes his now
incompetence, he has nevertheless taken concurrently the portfolio of
foreign affairs, so that our movements in Manchuria may be kept
confidential and the execution of our plans may be swift, and decisive.
On account of these reasons, the Manchuria Railway should be radically
reorganized. All appurtenant enterprises which are profit-making should
be made independent companies under the wings of the South Manchurian
Railway, so that we may take determined steps in the conquest of
Manchuria and Mongolia. On the other hand, Chinese, Europeans and
Americans should be invited to invest money in the South Manchurian
Railway on the condition that we have a plurality of its stocks. In
that event the control of the company is in our hands, and our mission
from the empire can be discharged more vigorously. In short, by
inviting international participation in the South Manchurian Railway,
we can blind the eyes of the world. Having achieved that, we can push
our advance in Manchuria and Mongolia at our will, free ourselves from
the restraints of the Nine Power Treaty and strengthen our activities
in that country with foreign capital.
The important appurtenant enterprises of the South Manchurian Railway
are:
1. Iron and steel.
-- Iron and steel are closely connected with
national development. Every country today attaches great importance to
it. But because of the lack of ores, we have found no solution to this
problem. Hitherto we have had to import steel from the Yangtze Valley
and the Malay Peninsula. But according to a secret survey of our
General Staff, a wealth of iron mines are found in many places in
Manchuria and Mongolia. A conservative estimate of the reserve is 10
billion tons. At first when there was a lack of technique, the Anshan
Iron and Steel Works was involved in an annual loss of Yen 3,000,000.
Later, new methods were discovered, and the technique developed so that
during 1926 the loss was only Yen 150,000 and a year later there was a
profit of Yen 800,000. If the furnace is improved, we ought to earn at
least Yen 4,000,000 a year. By amalgamating it with the Anshan Iron
Works, we shall have preventing us from becoming self-sufficient in
iron and steel.
The iron deposits in Manchuria and Mongolia are estimated at
1,200,000,000 tons, and the coal deposits 2,500,000,000 tons. This coal
ought to be sufficient for smelting the iron ores. With such large
amounts of iron and coal at our disposal, we ought to be
self-sufficient for at least seventy years. At the rate of $100.00
profit on each ton of steel, for 350,000,000 tons of steel we shall
have a profit of Yen 35,000,000,000. This is a tremendous asset to our
economic resources. We shall save the expense of Yen 120,000,000 which
we pay for the importation of steel every year. When we can have
sufficient iron and steel for our own industries, we shall have
acquired the secret for becoming the leading nation in the world. Thus
strengthened, we can conquer both the East and the West. In order to
attain this goal, the iron works must be separated from the South
Manchurian Railway. Such unified control will keep China from
preventing us to become self-sufficient in iron and steel.
2. Petroleum.
-- Another important commodity which we lack is
petroleum. It is also essential to the existence of a nation.
Fortunately, there lie in the Fushun Coal Mine 5,200,000,000 tons of
shale oil, from every hundred catties of which six catties of crude oil
may be extracted. By means of American machinery every hundred catties
will yield nine catties of refined oil good for motor cars and
battleships. At present Japan imports from foreign countries 700,000
tons of mineral oils every year valued at Yen 60,000,000. These figures
are on the increase. As there are 50 billion tons of shale in the
Fushun mines, the yield calculated at five percent would be 250,000,000
tons; at nine percent, 450,000,000 tons of oil. Taking an average of
the two, the yield would be 350,000,000 tons, and assuming the value of
the oil to be fifteen yen a ton, the oil shale contained in the Fushun
Mine would bring us Yen 2,250,000,000. This will be a great industrial
revolution for us. From the standpoint of national defense and national
wealth, petroleum is a great factor. Having the iron and petroleum of
Manchuria, our army and navy will become impregnable walls of defense.
That Manchuria and Mongolia are the heart and liver of our empire, is a
truthful saying. For the sake of our empire, we should be congratulated.
AGRICULTURAL
FERTILIZER AMMONIA SULPHATE AND OTHER PRODUCTS
Agricultural fertilizer is a great necessity for the production of
foodstuffs. Chemical fertilizers depend upon the ammonia sulphate
extracted from coal. The Fushun coal yields especially good results. At
present, our total consumption of ammonia sulphate is 500,000 tons. Of
this, only half is manufactured at home, using the coal from the Kailan
or the Fushun Mining Companies. The remaining half is imported from
abroad at the cost of Yen 35,000,000 a year. With our agricultural work
daily increasing and in view of the development of our new empire in
Manchuria and Mongolia, we shall easily need 1,000,000 tons of ammonia
sulphate every year during the next ten years. From the soot gathered
from the burning of Fushun coal connected with the manufacture of
steel, we could produce large quantities of ammonia sulphate. If the
yield is put at 300,000 tons a year, we shall add an annual income of
more than Yen 40,000,000. In fifty years, this will mount up to Yen
2,000,000,000. This money could be used for the improvement of our
agriculture. If there is any surplus, we can buy bean-cakes with it and
then invade the farms all over China and in the South Sea Islands. In
order to accomplish this, we must separate this enterprise from the
South Manchurian Railway. We shall then be able to control the
fertilizers of the Far East.
SODA
AND SODA ASH
We import 100,000 tons of Soda Ash at the cost of more than Yen
10,000,000 a year. Both soda and soda ash are valuable materials for
military and industrial purposes. Soda is derived from nothing more
than salt and coal, both of which are cheap and abundant in Manchuria
and Mongolia. If we go into this manufacture, we can supply not only
ourselves but can also sell it to China with a view to controlling its
industrial products. We ought to gain from it a profit of at least Yen
15,000,000 a year. We can also supply our own military and chemical
needs. Again this industry must be separated from the South Manchurian
Railway.
MAGNESIUM
AND ALUMINUM
According to the independent surveys of the South Manchurian Railway
Company and Dr. Honta of Tohoku University, magnesium and aluminum are
a very promising business (in Manchuria). Magnesium is found in the
surroundings of Tashichiao, and aluminum in the vicinity of Yentai. The
deposit is one of the largest in the world. A ton of magnesite is worth
Yen 2,000 and a ton of aluminum is worth about Yen 1,700. An estimate
of the deposits of both minerals in Manchuria is Yen 750,000,000. These
substances are especially useful for making aeroplanes, mess kits in
the army, hospital apparatus and vessels, and other important
industries. The United States alone has extensive deposits of these
substances. The output of our country is one ton a year. Such materials
are becoming more useful every day, but the supply is insufficient. Its
price is growing high, as if never reaching a limit. The deposits in
our territory of Manchuria and Mongolia are nothing less than a
God-given gift. This metal is really precious, being indispensable to
both our industry and national defense. It also should be made an
independent business, separate from the South Manchurian Railway. Its
manufacture should be in Japan, so as to keep the Fengtien Government
from imitating it on the one hand and to avoid the watchful eyes of the
British and American capitalists on the other. After we have gained
control of it in the Three Eastern Provinces, we may harness the water
power of the Yalu River to work on these metal ores. In view of the
development of aircraft, in the future all the world will come to us
for the materials necessary for aeronautics.
If all the enterprises
mentioned above are made independent undertakings, they would make
rapid progress and bring us at least a profit of 60 billion yen a year.
The industrial development in South Manchuria means much to our
national defense and economic progress. It will help us to build the
foundation of an industrial empire. As to the cultural undertakings
such as hospitals, schools, and philanthropic institutions, they are
our signal towers in our advance into Manchuria and Mongolia. They are
the institutions for spreading our national prestige and power. More
specifically, they are the baits for rights and privileges. Let us
separate all these from the South Manchurian Railway in order that we
may redouble our efforts and advance into North Manchuria to reclaim
the sources of great wealth there.
When these important undertakings become independent and are free to
develop without the interference of our officials, they will naturally
become channels of national prosperity. On the wings of economic
development, we could make rapid advance without either arousing the
suspicion of the Powers or the anti-Japanese activities of the people
of the Three Eastern Provinces. Such hidden methods would enable us to
build the New Continental Empire with ease and efficiency.
The foreign loans for the South Manchurian Railway must be confined to
those railroads already completed. Other railways built by us but
nominally under Chinese control, can either be amalgamated with the
completed lines or made independent according to the desire of the
investing nations. The slogan of "Equal Opportunity" helps us to get
foreign loans as well as to dispel suspicion of our designs in North
Manchuria. At any rate, we shall need foreign capital to develop our
Continental Empire. When the South Manchurian Railway is open to
foreign investments the Powers will be glad to lend more to us and
China can do nothing to block it. This is an excellent way to further
our plans in Manchuria. We should lose no time in doing it. As to the
wealth concentrated in the northern part of Manchuria and Mongolia, we
should do likewise. The two new railways from Kirin to Huening and from
Changchun to Talai, as well as the lumber and mining interests, should
also be managed as separate institutions.
The South Manchurian Railway will also be greatly enriched by our
exploits in North Manchuria. In undertaking this, we must permit
foreign investment in the South Manchurian Railway so that any profit
that it makes is shared by other nations. When they share in the
profits, no one will interfere with our activities in North Manchuria.
Already Chinese immigrants are pouring into South Manchuria in large
numbers. Their position will become stronger every day. As the right of
renting land in the interior is not yet secured, our immigrants are
gradually losing ground. Even if our government's backing will maintain
our people there, they cannot compete with the Chinese due to the
latter's low standard of living. Our only chance now is to defeat the
Chinese by heavy capitalization. This again necessitates the use of
foreign loans. This is so, especially because the riches of North
Manchuria are not even accessible to the Chinese immigrants. We must
seize the present opportunity, and hasten the progress of immigration
by our own people and take possession of all rights there so as to shut
out the Chinese. But in order to encourage immigration, rapid
transportation is essential. This will afford both facilities to our
people and bringing the natural resources there to the would-be market.
Moreover, both Russia and ourselves have been increasing armaments. On
account of geographical positions, we have conflicting interests. If we
want to obtain the wealth of North Manchuria and to build up the New
Continent according to the will of Emperor Meiji, we must rush our
people into North Manchuria first and seek to break the friendship
between Russia and China. In this way, we can enjoy the wealth of North
Manchuria and hold at bay both Russia and China. In case of war, our
immigrants in North Manchuria will combine with our forces in South
Manchuria and at one stroke settle the problem forever. In case this is
not possible they can still maintain their own in North Manchuria and
supply the rest of us with food stuffs and raw materials. As the
interests of North Manchuria and our country are so wrapped up, we
could march directly into North Manchuria and pursue our settled policy.
THE
NECESSITY OF ESTABLISHING A COLONIAL DEPARTMENT
Our exploitation of Manchuria takes a variety of forms. Often those in
authority take such different views that even the most profitable
undertaking for our country cannot be carried out. Because of the lack
of speed, our secrets are often exposed and are made propaganda
materials by the Mukden Government much to the detriment of our country
in international relations. Whenever a new undertaking is projected in
Manchuria and Mongolia, it will become the subject of discussion of
tens of meetings and conferences in Dairen. Not only the approval of
the four-headed government there is necessary, but also the sanction of
the cabinet at home has to be secured before anything can be carried
out. Because of all these obstacles, any undertaking will take months
and months before any definite results are seen. In the process it is
possible for the Chinese to employ Japanese adventurers to steal our
secrets so that before a project is launched it is often reported to
the Chinese and in turn it becomes common property of the world. We are
suddenly brought under the check of world opinion, and more than once
we have incurred hardship in putting into practice our policy toward
Manchuria and Mongolia. Furthermore, the opposition party has also made
capital out of what they find in these regions in order to attack the
government. All these have many serious results on our diplomatic
relations. Henceforth, we must change our practice in order to proceed
more adroitly. The center of control must be in Tokyo. That will (1)
insure secrecy; (2) stop China from knowing beforehand our plans; (3)
avoid the suspicion of the Powers before the thing is done; (4) unify
the multiple control in Manchuria; and (5) bring the government
agencies in Manchuria and Mongolia in close touch with the central
government so as to deal with China with undivided power. For these
reasons we should follow the original plan for absorbing Korea laid
down by Ito and Katsura and establish a Colonial Department, the
special function of which is to look after the expansion in Manchuria
and Mongolia. The administration of Formosa, Korea, and Saghalien
Island may be its nominal function, but our expansion in Manchuria and
Mongolia is its real purpose. This will blind the eyes of the world on
the one hand and forestall the disclosure of secrets on the other.
It is my personal conviction that the fact that the absorption of Korea
could not be effected during the administration of Ito, is due to the
lack of a special office for control. Therefore, there were always
differences of opinion and secret policies were impossible. Such a
state of affairs played into the hand of international obstruction and
Korean opposition. Then a number of propagandists went to Europe and
America as well as Korea itself, declaring that we firmly respected the
independence of Korea and had no designs on an inch of Korean
territory. The result of their work was the recovery of international
confidence. After that, a Colonial Department was established under the
pretence of Formosa. Then we seized the opportunity and the object was
gained. It goes to prove that in order to undertake colonization and
immigration, a special office for it is absolutely necessary. Moreover,
the creation of a new empire in Mongolia and Manchuria is of utmost
importance to the existence of Japan. It is necessary to have a special
office, in order that the politics in that vast territory may be
controlled from Tokio. The officers in the field should only take
orders, "they should not interfere with the execution of policies where
they please. This will insure secrecy; and the opposition nations have
no chance of getting into the secrets of our colonial activities. Then
our movements regarding Mongolia and Manchuria will be beyond the reach
of international public opinion and we shall be free from interferences.
As to the subsidiary enterprises of the South Manchurian Railway such
as the Development Company, the Land Company, and the Trust Company,
the power of supervision and planning should also be in the colonial
office. They should all be under united control in order that they may
all help in the general policy of expansion in Mongolia and Manchuria
of the Imperial Government and complete the creation of the new empire.
THE
TALING RIVER VALLEY ON THE PEKING-MUKDEN RAILWAY
The Taling River Valley is a wide area sparsely populated but infested
with bandits. Many Koreans have made investments here, especially in
rice fields. Judging from its resources, this region is bound to be
prosperous. It will also be an advantageous foothold for us if we want
to expand into the Jehol region. We should give full protection to our
Korean subjects here and wait for an opportunity to secure from China
the right of colonization so that our immigrants may live here and act
as our vanguards to Jehol and Mongolia. In case of warfare, this valley
will be a strategic point to quarter large armies of soldiers. We shall
then not only check the Chinese soldiers from advancing north, but also
hold the key to the immense wealth of South Manchuria. When Koreans
come into this region we should finance them through our Trust and
other financial organs with a view to gaining for these organs the
actual ownership while the Koreans may satisfy themselves with the
right of farming only. Ostensibly the ownership of land must reside
with the Koreans. It is a convenient way of securing rights from the
Chinese government. Henceforth the Trust companies and financial organs
should give them full backing when our own and Korean subjects wish to
gain land ownership. If they need money to buy farms from the Chinese,
the financial organs should also come to their aid. Unnoticeably we
shall gain control of the better rice fields which we may give to our
own immigrants. They shall displace the Koreans who in turn may go on
opening new fields, to deliver to the convenient use of our own people.
This is the policy with respect to the colonization of rice fields and
bean farms. As to the policy for herd farming, the Development Company
should be especially entrusted gradually to expand, eventually placing
all the wealth of herds at the disposal of our country.
This same
company may also take care of horse breeding and select the best out of
Mongolia for the use of our national defense.
PRECAUTION
AGAINST CHINESE MIGRATION
Recently the internal disturbances in China have driven large hordes of
immigrants into Mongolia and Manchuria, thereby threatening the advance
of our migration. For the sake of our activities in this field, we
should not fail to take precautions. The fact that the Chinese
government welcomes this migration and does nothing to hold back the
tide oppresses our policy ever more seriously. A noted American
sinologue has made the statement that the Mukden authorities are
carrying out such effective government that all people are moving into
their territory. Therefore, the influx of immigrants is looked upon as
a mark of effective government of Mukden authorities. We, of course,
are concerned. Unless we put a stop to it, in less than ten years our
own policy of emigration will prove an instrument for China to crush us
with. Politically we must use police force to check this tendency as
much as possible and economically our financiers should drive the
Chinese out with low wages. Furthermore, we must develop and expand
electric power to displace human labour. This will keep out Chinese
immigrants as well as monopolize the control of motor force as a first
step toward controlling the industrial development of this vast region.
HOSPITALS
AND SCHOOLS
Hospitals and schools in Manchuria must be independent of the South
Manchurian Railway. For the people have often considered these
institutions of imperialism and refuse to have anything to do with
them. When these are separated and made independent institutions we
shall be able to make the people realize our goodness so that they will
be thankful to us . . . But in establishing schools emphasis should be
laid on normal schools for men and women. Through these in educational
work we may build up a substantial good-will among the people towards
Japan. This is our first principle of cultural structure.
{NOTE: See the following for further study into this text: Trotsky on the Tanaka Memorial June 1941, Japan's Dream of World Empire by Carl Crow (1942), The Tanaka Memorial - Authentic or Spurious by John Stephan (1973). See also this text file regarding the forgery. For the text in other languages: Chinese, Japanese, Russian. These documents are also available online. David Bergamini, in his book, Japan's Imperial Conspiracy, had this to say:
Tanaka Memorial
After the conference, on July 25, 1927, Tanaka presented a report to
the Throne on the decision which had been made. Chinese intelligence
agents tried to reconstruct this report by piecing together fragments
which they had obtained of Tanaka's plan and of the position papers
which had been delivered by members of the Suzuki Study Group. In their
reconstruction the Chinese got the two points of view all mixed up. The
result, which they published, became one of the most famous documents
in Japanese history -- a pastiche of truths adding up to a gigantic
forgery. Under the title, "The Tanaka Memorial," it was widely
reprinted in the West, a few years later, as evidence of Japan's
piratical aspirations. It permanently confused Western intelligence
analysts, leading them to identify Tanaka and his
Choshu-Constitutionalist faction with Japanese militarism.
According to the Chinese version of Tanaka's memorial to the Throne,
Tanaka advised Emperor Hirohito that "the plan left to us by Emperor
Meiji" was first to conquer Manchuria and Mongolia, then to occupy
China, then to "crush the United States," and finally to subjugate all
Asia "in order to conquer the world." In reality, according to
knowledgeable courtiers, Tanaka warned Hirohito that military conquest
of Manchuria, Mongolia, and China would lead inevitably to war with the
United States and that Japan could not win such a war unless she had
already gained economic control of Asia's raw materials and factories.}
SECTION
XVII
MEMORANDUM CONCERNING EXCLUSION OF JAPANESE FROM THE
UNITED STATES
(Prepared by Carl
L. W. Meyer of the Library of Congress)
THE
MORRIS-SHIDEHARA NEGOTIATIONS IN WASHINGTON
In 1919 Baron Kijuro Shidehara was appointed Japanese Ambassador
Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to the United States. Two years prior
to that time Mr. Roland Sletor Morris had been entrusted with the
position as American Ambassador to Japan. Shortly after the arrival of
Baron Shidehara in Washington discussions were begun with a view to
come to some agreement between the American and Japanese Governments
relative to the immigration of Japanese into the United States. Owing
to his official position and to the understanding which he was believed
to have in this matter, Ambassador Morris was called in to participate
in the Washington conversations.
Shidehara's views
on the negotiations. -- A few years later, Baron
Shidehara when questioned about the said parleys expressed his views
about them as follows (see Bell, Edward P., Japan views the Pacific;
conversations on vital international issues with Viscount Kato,
Premier, and Baron Shidehara, Foreign Minister in the Imperial Japanese
Cabinet. Chicago, the Chicago Daily News, 1925, p. 133):
Those conversations
were carried on with earnestness. Both Mr. Morris
and myself desired nothing else so much as a solution of the
Americano-Japanese racial problem satisfactory to both parties. Our
discussions were without any feeling except the feeling of mutual
respect and friendship. It was said that the problem turned upon the
assimilability or unassimilability of the Japanese as members of the
American social community. Touching this question Mr. Morris and I
agreed that there had not been time enough to determine whether the
Japanese were or were not assimilable in America, as the British and
the Scandinavians, for instance, have proved to be in that country. It
has been scarcely more than a quarter of a century -- the
Morris-Shidehara conversations took place 5 or 6 years ago -- since the
Japanese entered America in appreciable numbers. There had not been
time to tell whether they would or would not turn out good Americans.
We agreed that a practicable plan would be virtually to stop further
Japanese immigration in America until the Japanese already there could
be given a chance to demonstrate their quality in respect of
assimilation into the general American social body. At this point I
emphasized what I deemed a substantial condition, namely, that while
the test was proceeding every encouragement be given the Japanese in
America to adopt the American standpoint and way of life if they could.
* * *
My point of view, as expressed to Mr. Morris, was that America, in
dealing with her Japanese population, well might consider our mistake
respecting a certain part of our population. It seemed to me, and I so
stated, that an attitude of sympathy, of welcome, of invitation to
assimilation, might yield a result diametrically different from that of
an attitude of coldness or persecution or ostracism. * * *
Your Ambassador, Mr. Morris, raised two points in criticism of
conditions in Japan relative to the relations of America and this
country. He liked neither our law of nationality nor our law of
property, affecting aliens. At that time a Japanese subject, wherever
born, remained a Japanese subject in the view of Japanese law unless
and until such subject, by his own act, renounced his Japanese
citizenship and adopted another. Now, under American law, a person born
in America becomes an American citizen without any act of his own --
acquires American citizenship automatically by virtue of birth in the
country. It followed therefore, that American-born Japanese inherited
two citizenships, Japanese and American. Mr. Morris objected to this
dual allegiance, and his objection seemed to me reasonable. His
position concerning our law of property I also felt able to regard not
unfavorably. On my return to Japan, and on becoming minister for
foreign affairs, I recommended to the diet an alteration of our laws of
nationality and property in accordance with the point of view urged
upon me by Mr. Morris. My recommendation prevailed. Our laws were
changed. As to Japanese emigration to the United States, we stopped it
in conformity with the terms of the "gentlemen's agreement."
The gentlemen's agreement referred to by Baron Shidehara is also known
as the Root-Takahira agreement concluded in 1907 and elaborated in
1908. Under this understanding, the exact terms of which have not been
published by the Government, Japan is said to have undertaken to
prevent by its own authorities the emigration of Japanese laborers to
the United States (see U. S. Congress, House, Committee on Immigration
and Naturalization, hearings, Japanese immigration, Washington,
Government Printing Office, 1921, vol. 1, p. 30).
It has been stated that in 1920 a new treaty was about to be laid for
final decision before the Washington and Tokyo Governments by the two
negotiators, Ambassador Morris and Ambassador Shidehara (see Iyenaga,
T., and Sato, K., Japan and the California problem. New York, London,
Putnam's Sons, 1921, p. 186.). But according to information from the
State Department at Washington no agreement was reached by Mr. Morris
and Baron Shidehara. Up to the present time, according to the same
source, the documents relating to the correspondence and conversations
of the negotiators have not been published by the Government. Mr.
Morris resigned from his post as Ambassador to Japan in 1921.
Senator Johnson's
Speech of March 27, 1922. -- Mr. Hiram W. Johnson,
the senior Senator from California in his speech before the United
States Senate on March 27, 1922, referring to the said conversations,
made the following statement (Congressional Record, vol. 62 (March 27,
1922), p. 4613-4611):
For a period of some
months Mr. Morris, who represented the United
States in Japan, and Baron Shidehara, the Japanese Ambassador here,
were engaged in many meetings for the purpose of seeing whether they
could arrive at some conclusion which could be reported to their
respective Governments.
I happen to be familiar with what occurred
under the previous administration. I claim no familiarity with what has
since transpired ; but I happen to know that after months of
negotiation Mr. Morris and Baron Shidehara united in a report, a report
wholly unsatisfactory to the people whom I represent, but a report that
is on file now in the State Department concerning the matters which had
occurred between the Japanese Empire on the one hand and the United
States on the other, arising out of the alien land laws of this
country, and arising out of the question of Japanese immigration.
AMBASSADOR
HANIHARA'S LETTER OF APRIL 10, 1924, AND ITS EFFECT UPON THE
UNITED STATES SENATE
(See the following references: Congressional Record, vol. 65 (April 11,
19241, p. 6073-6074. -- Ibid. (April 12,1924), p.6225ff. -- Ibid.
(April 14, 1924), p. 6302ff. -- Inui, Kiyo Sue, The unsolved problem of
the Pacific, Tokyo, 1925, p. 380ff., 525ff.- Treat, Payson, J., Japan
and the United States, 1853-1921, revised and continued to 1928,
Stanford University Press, 1928, p. 289ff. -- World Peace Foundation,
Pamphlets, vol. 7, 1924, p. 306ff. -- Association for International
Conciliation, Documents for the year 1925, p. 175ff. -- Trevor, John
B., Japanese exclusion, a study of the policy and the law, Washington,
Government Printing Office, 1925, p. 36ff.)
The Immigration
Bill. -- On March 24, 1924, the House Committee on
Immigration and Naturalization reported a bill (H. R. 7995) entitled:
"A bill to limit the immigration of aliens into the United States, and
for other purposes; with amendments," (Rept. No. 356; see Congressional
Record, vol. 65 (March 24, 1924), p. 4912.) Section 12 (b) of this bill
read as follows (Congressional Record, vol. 65 (April 12, 1924), p.
6247.):
No alien ineligible
to citizenship shall be admitted to the United
States unless such alien (1) is admissible as a non-quota immigrant
under the provisions of subdivisions (b), (d), or (g) of section 4; or
(2) is the wife or unmarried child under 18 years of age, of an
immigrant admissible under such subdivision (d), and is accompanying or
following to join him; or (3) is not an immigrant as defined in section
3.
The exceptions enumerated above thus did admit to the United States
persons returning from a temporary visit abroad, merchants, ministers,
university professors, and bona fide students. The immigration bill
which contained the exclusion clause cited above was adopted by the
House on April 12, 1924, by a vote of 323 to 71, with 37 Members not
voting (Ibid., p. 6257).
Hanihara's Protest
to the Department of State. -- On April 10, 1924,
that is, two days prior to the adoption of the bill by the House, Mr.
Masanao Hanihara, the Japanese Ambassador in Washington, addressed to
Mr. Charles E. Hughes, then Secretary of State of the United States, a
note which contained the following passages (Congressional Record,
vol. 65 (April 11, 1924), pp. 6073-6074):
It is needless to
add that it is not the intention of the Japanese
Government to question the sovereign right of any country to regulate
immigration to its own territories. Nor is it their desire to send
their nationals to the countries where they are not wanted. On the
contrary, the Japanese Government showed from the very beginning of
this problem their perfect willingness to cooperate with the United
States Government to effectively prevent, by all honorable means, the
entrance into the United States of such Japanese nationals as are not
desired by the United States, and have given ample evidence thereof,
the facts of which are well known to your Government. To Japan the
question is not one of expediency but of principle. To her the mere
fact that a few hundreds or thousands of her nationals will or will not
be admitted into the domains of other countries is immaterial so long
as no question of national susceptibilities is involved. The important
question is whether Japan, as a nation, is or is not entitled to the
proper respect and consideration of other nations. In other words, the
Japanese Government asks of the United States Government simply that
proper consideration ordinarily given by one nation to the self-respect
of another, which, after all, forms the basis of amicable international
intercourse throughout the civilized world.
It is, indeed, impossible for my Government and people, and I believe
it would be impossible also for your Government and for those of your
people who had made a careful study of the subject, to understand why
it should be necessary for your country to enact, as the law of the
land, such a clause as section 12 (b) of the House immigration bill.
As is justly pointed out in your letter of February 8, 1924, to the
chairman of the House Committee on Immigration, it is idle to insist
that the provision is not aimed at the Japanese, for the proposed
measure (sec. 25) continues in force your existing legislation
regulating Chinese immigration and the barred-zone provisions of your
immigration laws which prohibit immigration from certain other portions
of Asia, to say nothing about the public statements of the sponsors and
supporters of that particular provision as to its aim. In other words,
the manifest object of the said section 12 (b) is to single out Japan
as a nation, stigmatizing them as unworthy and undesirable in the eyes
of the American people. * * *
Relying upon the confidence you have been good enough to show me at
all times, I have stated or rather repeated all this to you very
candidly and in a most friendly spirit, for I realize, as I believe you
do, the grave consequences which the enactment of the measure retaining
that particular provision would inevitably bring upon the otherwise
happy and mutually advantageous relations between our two countries.
Accept, sir, the renewed assurances of my highest consideration.
M. HANIHARA.
Effect of the note
on the Senate. -- On the same day (April 10)
Secretary of State Hughes addressed a letter (for text of this letter
see Congressional Record, vol. 65 (April 11, 1924), p. 6073) to
Senator LeBaron B. Colt, chairman of the Senate Committee on
Immigration, together with a copy of the Japanese Ambassador's note
quoted in part above.
A few days prior to the receipt of the Hanihara note Senator Reed of
Pennsylvania in agreement with certain suggestions from Secretary
Hughes had proposed to the Senate the elimination of certain sections
from the bill (S. 2576) which he believed to be objectionable to the
Japanese (see ibid. (April 7, 1924), p. 5741f). On April 7 Senator
Reed asked Senator Shortridge in the Senate (Ibid., p. 5744): "Was it
not very plainly stated in the letter of Secretary Hughes to
Congressman Johnson on February 8 that the violation of the treaty was
but one of his reasons, and that the reason he most strongly urged was
that of a statutory exclusion would be deeply resented by the Japanese
people, and was unnecessary?" And again on the following day Senator
Reed declared (Ibid. (April 8, 1924), p. 5810): ''The Japanese
Government does not wish to colonize the United States and does not
wish to force her emigration into our ports. But they are a proud
people, everybody knows that, and they would resent an exclusion law
just as we would resent an exclusion law passed by Japan."
The Hanihara note of April 10, with its warning that ''grave
consequences" would ensue if the exclusion bill were adopted, was a
great shock to the entire Senate. On April 14, when the note came up
for discussion in the Senate, Senator Lodge moved "that the Senate
proceed to consider the pending amendment in secret legislative
session." (Congressional Record, vol. 65 (April 14, 1924), p. 6302).
Under the motion of Senator Lodge, seconded by Senator Reed of
Pennsylvania, and under the rules of the Senate, the Sergeant at Arms
cleared the galleries and closed the doors of the Senate Chamber. After
50 minutes spent in secret legislative session (the minutes of the
secret legislative session have not been published by the Government)
the doors were reopened and the debate upon the floor was openly
resumed.
Senator Lodge's remarks in secret legislative session as repeated by
him in open session clearly shows the effect the Hanihara letter had on
the Senate. Said Senator Lodge (Congressional Record, vol. 65 (April
14, 1924), p. 6305):
Mr. President, I do
not intend to say anything at all upon this
amendment affecting the exclusion of Japanese immigrants beyond a few
words that I said when the doors were closed; but as the session has
been made open, and the subject brought up in open session, I think it
proper that I should state very briefly what I said behind closed doors.
I have always been very friendly to the Japanese people. I have tried
to do everything in my power to promote good relations between their
country and ours. I think that may be said to have been shown in the
negotiation of the treaties of the Washington conference. I had
intended to do all in my power to make the legislation in the present
bill as easy for them and for their feelings as possible. But, Mr.
President, the question of immigration -- and I am only about to repeat
what has been often said -- is perhaps the greatest of fundamental
sovereign rights. If a country cannot say who shall come into the
country, it has ceased to be a sovereign country; it has become a
subject country.
Mr. President, I regret to say that the letter
addressed to our State Department by the ambassador from Japan seems to
me a letter improper to be addressed by the representative of one great
country to another friendly country. It contains 1 regret much to say,
a veiled threat. Now, Mr. President, the United States cannot legislate
by the exercise of any other country of veiled threats. Owing to this,
what we are now doing assumes the character of an international
precedent; and I think it should be understood, and understood by the
whole world, that the United States alone is to say who shall come into
the United States to form part of its citizenship. What our country
determines as to its immigration is neither a just cause of offense nor
a subject for war or threats of war. It is an undoubted sovereign right
and nothing else. * * *
The letter of the Japanese ambassador, Mr. President, has created a
situation which makes it impossible for me to support the pending
amendment. * * * I never will consent to establish any precedent which
will give any nation the right to think that they can stop by threats
or by compliments the action of the United States when it determines
who shall come within its gates and become part of its citizenship.
That is a decision which belongs to the United States alone, and from
that decision there can be no appeal.
Senator Reed of Pennsylvania, who followed Senator Lodge on the floor,
remarked (Congressional Record, vol. 65 (April 14, 1924), p. 6305)
that one of the principal points which the Committee on Immigration had
in mind when it adopted the amendments to the bill "was to do nothing
offensive to the Japanese." One of the committee's purposes, he said,
was to recognize the "gentlemen's agreement"; and
We felt, further,
that the restriction of Japanese immigration could
best be accomplished by combining the "gentlemen's agreement" with a
very rigid quota law which would hold down the number of Japanese to
the minimum, for at the same time we would thus get the cooperation of
the Japanese Government in applying that quota law.
Now, however, declared Senator Reed:
I think the
situation has changed. I think it ceases to be a question
whether this is a desirable method of restricting Japanese immigration.
The letter of the Japanese ambassador puts the unpleasant burden upon
us of deciding whether we will permit our legislation to be controlled
by apprehensions of grave consequences with other nations if we do not
follow a particular line of legislative conduct. I, for one, feel
compelled, on account of that veiled threat, to vote in favor for the
exclusion and against the committee amendment.
I say that with deep regret, because I believe that this action, which
is forced upon us, means the waste of much of the results of 20 years
of excellent diplomacy. It means the waste of much of the good feeling
that followed the ratification of the four-power treaty and it means a
loss of part of the good relations that followed the prompt and
friendly action of America after the Japanese earthquake of last year.
When I vote against the committee amendment I expect to do so with a
sad heart.
Senator Swanson of Virginia who even prior to Japanese interference
with American legislation believed in rigid restriction of Japanese
immigration into the United States said (Congressional Record, vol. 65
(Apr. 14, 192-1), p. 6305-6306):
I was not for this
amendment even before we received the remarkable
communication from the Japanese ambassador. I spoke against the
so-called gentlemen's agreement several days ago. I think of all the
important questions in America none can transcend in importance the
question of immigration. In the present condition in America and the
conditions in the world of all questions the most important is the
question of immigration.
This question of immigration with Japan has been a disturbing factor
for a great many years. We made concession after concession to Japan,
but we seem not to have been able to settle the difference. I have
great respect for Japan as a nation and its citizens have many
admirable qualities. I wish nothing for that nation but prosperity and
progress and I have for them great good will. But whatever might be my
feeling for Japan I have a higher respect, a deeper regard for the
rights of my own country. I for one will never consent that the
question of immigration in America shall be decided or administered by
any outside influence. We have the right to determine who shall and who
shall not come to this country. We concede to Japan the same right to
determine who shall and who shall not come to their country. We assume
no right that we do not willingly concede to Japan.
+++check from
here p1983
Senator Sterling of South Dakota, on the other hand, expressed his
regret (Congressional Record, vol. 65 (April 14, 1924), p. 6308) that
the discussion should turn altogether upon the question
raised by the letter of the Japanese Ambassador to this country.
If we
are going to exclude Japanese immigrants---
said Senator Sterling---
let us exclude them
because it is the wholesome thing, the right thing,
the just thing to do for the United States and for the American people,
and let us not make the letter of the Japanese Ambassador the pretext
for our action here today in defending the amendment of the committee
or in adopting the amendment of the Senator from California.
The vote of the Senate on the proposed amendment (see ibid., p. 6315)
of the immigration
bill was taken on the same day (April 14). By a vote of 76 to 2 (with
18 Senators abstaining from voting) the Senate rejected the amendment
intended to recognize the "gentlemen's agreement." On April 16, the
Senate by a vote of 71 to 4 adopted a new amendment which provided for
the exclusion of aliens "ineligible to citizenship." And 2 days later,
the Senate voted to strike out all of the House bill (H. R. 7995) with
the
exception of the enacting clause, and substitute the Senate bill for
the same. This bill which was passed by a vote of 62 to 6 was then sent
to conference. The House also agreed (April 19, 1924) to a conference
and, like the
Senate, appointed 5 managers. Exclusion, according to the Senate bill
was to be made effective at once, while the House bill provided that it
should become effective on July 1, 1924.
PRESIDENT
COOLIDGE, THE CONFERENCE COMMITTEE, AND THE COMMITTEE REPORTS
President Coolidge's proposed amendments of the bill became the subject
of considerable debate in Congress and during the discussions of the
committee. The conference committee, composed of representatives of
both Houses of Congress, held meetings on April 25, 26, 29, 30, and on
May 1, 3, and 6, 1924 (see Congressional Record, vol. 65 (May 9, 1924),
p. 8235). Some time prior to May 1, President Coolidge
suggested that the immigration bill postpone the application of the
exclusion provision until March 1, 1926, and furthermore, add the
following amendment to the end of subdivision (b) of section 12 of the
House bill (Ibid., p. 8235):
Provided, however,
That the provisions of this paragraph
shall not apply to the nationals of those countries which the United
States, after the enactment of this act shall have entered into
treaties by and with the advice and consent of the Senate afor the
restriction of immigration.
Subdivision (b) of section 12 as the bill passed the House would thus
read as follows (Ibid.):
(b) On and after
March 1, 1926, no alien ineligible to citizenship
shall be admitted to the United States unless such alien (1) is
admissible as a non-quota immigrant under the provisions of subdivision
(b), (d), or (g) of section 4, or (2) is the wife, or the unmarried
child under 18 years of age, of an immigrant admissible under such
subdivisions (d), and is accompanying or following to join him, or (3)
is not an immigrant as defined in section 3: Provided, however,
That
the provisions of this paragraph shall not apply to the nationals of
those countries with which the United States, after the enactment of
this act, shall
have entered into treaties by and with the advice and consent of the
Senate for the restriction of immigration.
The conferees, however, did not agree to the President's proposals
which would have made it possible for him to restrict Japanese
immigration by treaty. Instead, the conferees adopted subdivision (b)
of section 12 of the House bill as it passed the House, and the
provisions of section 31 of the House bill which made effective
subdivision (b) of section 12 on July 1, 1924. (It was agreed that the
exclusion clause should not go into effect until July 1, so as to give
the Japanese then on the high seas a chance to enter the United
States.) On May 6, 1924, the
conference committee, at about 5:30 p. m., "came to a full and complete
agreement," and then adjourned until the following day at 3 p. m. for
the purpose of signing the conference report. But in the morning of May
7, before the conferees had had a chance to sign the report, President
Coolidge invited the majority conferees to the White House. There they
met the President on the same forenoon. A conference was had and the
conferees were asked to postpone Japanese exclusion until March 1,
1925. The proposal which was to assume the form of an amendment to be
added at the end of subdivision (c), section 13, had the following
tenor (Congressional Record, vol. 65 (May 9. 1S24), p. 8231):
Provided, That this
subdivision shall not take effect as to exclusion
until March 1, 1925, before which time the President is
requested to
negotiate with the Japanese Government in relation to the abrogation of
the present arrangement on this subject.
This, as has been seen, was the second attempt of the President to
delay the exclusion of the Japanese from the United States. When the
conference committee met on May 7, 1924, at 3 p. m. for the purpose of
signing the report as agreed upon May 6, they were confronted with the
above proposal. A motion was made to reconsider subdivision (c) of
section 13 of the conference report, and it was agreed that the
President's amendment should be adopted and the report thus amended be
reported to the two Houses. "The conference report," observed one of
the conferees (Representative John E. Raker, of California. (see U. S.
House of Representatives, 68th Cong., 1st sess., Rept. No. 688, p. 1;
see also Congressional Record, vol. 65, pp. 8218, 8236)), "was
submitted to the House as thus amended by Mr.
Johnson, chairman of the House conferees, on May 8, 1924, at 5 p. m.,
and ordered to be printed."
A number of Congressmen severely criticized the report. The fear was
expressed that by postponing the application of the exclusion provision
to March 1, 1925, President Coolidge would conclude a treaty with Japan
which would render the exclusion law impotent. Judge Raker, a
Representative from California, in debating this point, declared
(Congressional Record, vol. 65, p. 9232, 9233):
Immigration is
purely a domestic question, solely within the control of
Congress through its legislative power, the President having no control
save and except in vetoing or approving legislative acts. The
President of the United States has no constitutional authority or right
with reference to legislative matters, except by advice, by message to
the Congress, or by action of approval or disapproval of final
legislative action, and therefore a transfer of the control of the
immigration to the United States to the treaty-making power excludes
the House of Representatives from any right or control of the terms of
said treaty, is contrary to our form of Government, and a yielding of
the rights of the House to deal with immigration hereafter. This must
not be. * * * The President has no power to enter into a treaty in
regard to immigration whereby he may say that a
foreign country can determine whom to consult as to how immigration
shall come to this country, because it is the yielding of sovereign
power. The American people alone have the power to say who shall come
and who shall stay away, and not under any circumstances to take into
consideration the voice of the foreign country. If they did, we have
yielded, we have waived the sovereign right of a sovereign nation to
stand for itself.
After a spirited debate in the House on May 9, 1924, Mr. Otis Wingo,
Representative from Arkansas, asked unanimous consent that the motion
to recommit as amended be read. There being no objection, the clerk
read as follows (Congressional Record, vol. 65 (May 9, 1924), p. 8249):
Motion by Mr. Sabath
to recommit the bill to the committee of
conference, with instructions to the conferees on the part of the House
not to agree to the proviso reported in the bill submitted by the
conference committee, beginning in line 2, page 24, and reading as
follows: "Provided,
That this subdivision shall not take effect as to
the exclusion until March 1, 1925, before which time the President is
requested to negotiate with the Japanese Government in relation to the
abrogation of the present arrangement on this subject."
The motion to recommit the bill to conference with instructions not to
agree to the postponement clause suggested by President Coolidge was
then adopted by a vote of 192 to 171, 69 Members not voting (Ibid.).
The
removal of the postponement clause and the enactment of the immigration
bill followed within a short space of time. The revised conference
report, without the provision delaying the exclusion of Japanese
immigrants until March 1, 1925, was ordered to be printed on May 12,
1924 (U. S. House of Representatives, 68th Cong., 1st sess., House
Reports, v. 4. Report No. 716, p. 1-20). As printed in the report,
section 30 of the bill provided that
the act entitled "An act to limit the immigration of aliens into the
United States," approved on May 19, 1921,
as amended and
extended,
shall, notwithstanding its expiration on June 30, 1924, remain in force
thereafter for the imposition, collection, and enforcement of all
penalties that may have accrued thereunder, and any alien who prior to
July 1, 1924, may have entered the United States in violation of such
act or regulations made thereunder may be deported in the same manner
as if such act had not expired.
In respect of the time of taking effect of the provisions of the bill,
section 31 stipulated as follows (Ibid., p. 17-18):
SEC. 31. (a)
Sections 2, 8, 13, 14, 15, and 16, and subdivision (f) of
section 11, shall take effect on July 1, 1924, except that immigration
visas and permits may be issued prior to that date, which shall not be
valid for admission to the United States before July 1, 1924. In the
case of quota immigrants of any nationality, the number of immigration
visas to be issued prior to July 1, 1924, shall not be in excess of 10
per centum of the quota of such nationality, and the number of
immigration visas shall be deducted from the number which may tie
issued during the month of July 1924. In the case of immigration visas
issued before July 1, 1924, the four-month period referred to in
subdivision (c) of section 2 shall begin to run on July 1, 1924,
instead of at the time of the issuance of the immigration visa.
(b) The remainder of this Act shall take effect upon its enactment.
(c) If any alien arrives in the United States before July 1, 1924, his
right to admission shall be determined without regard to the provisions
of this Act, except section 23.
The new conference report of May 12, 1924, was approved, and the
immigration bill passed the House of Representatives on May 15 by a
vote of 308 to 62 (Coneressional Record, vol. 65 (May 15,
1924),
p. 8652), and the Senate on the same day by a vote of 69
to 9 (Ibid., p. 8589). The bill was then sent to the President for his
approval (Ibid. (May 19, 1924), p. 8958).
APPROVAL
OF THE IMMIGRATION BILL BY THE PRESIDENT AND MEMORANDUM
CONCERNING THE SAME
President Coolidge, on May 26, 1924 (Public No. 139; Congressional
Record, vol. 65 (May 31, 1924), p. 10068), signed the Immigration Act
entitled "An act to limit the immigration of aliens into the United
States, and for other purposes." On the same day the President issued a
statement to the press in which he gives his reasons for signing the
act. The tenor of the Presidential statement is as follows (House
Hearings (Dec. 26, 27, and 31. 1923; Jan, 2, 3, 4. 5, 7, 8, 10, and 19,
1924), on "Restriction of Immigration," Washington, Government Printing
Office, 1925, p. 1409-1410):
In signing this
bill, which in its main features, I heartily approve, I
regret the impossibility of severing from it the exclusion provision
which, in the light of existing law, affects especially the Japanese.
I gladly recognize that the enactment of this provision does not imply
any change in our sentiment of admiration and cordial friendship for
the Japanese people, a sentiment which has had and will continue to
have abundant manifestation.
The bill rather expresses the
determination of the Congress to exercise its prerogative in defining
by legislation the control of immigration instead of leaving it to
international arrangements. It should be noted that the bill exempts
from the exclusion provision government officials, those coming to this
country as tourists or temporarily for business or pleasure, those in
transit, seamen, those already resident here and returning from
temporary absences, professors, ministers of religion, students, and
those who enter solely to carry on trade in pursuance of existing
treaty provisions.
But we have had for many years an understanding with Japan by which the
Japanese Government has voluntarily undertaken to prevent the
emigration of laborers to the United States, and in view of this
historic relation and of the feeling which inspired it, it would have
been much better in my judgment, and more effective in the actual
control of immigration, if we had continued to invite the cooperation
which Japan was ready to give and had thus avoided creating any ground
for misapprehension by an unnecessary statutory agreement.
That course
would not have derogated from the authority of the Congress to deal
with the question in any exigency requiring its action. There is
scarcely any ground for disagreement as to the result we want, but this
method of securing it is unnecessary and deplorable at this time.
If the exclusion provision stood alone I should disapprove it without
hesitation, if sought in this way at this time. But this bill is a
comprehensive measure dealing with the whole subject of immigration and
setting up the necessary administrative machinery. The present Quota
Act, of 1921, will terminate on June 30 next. It is of great importance
that a comprehensive measure should take its place, and that the
arrangements for its administration should be provided at once in order
to avoid hardship and confusion.
I must therefore consider the bill as a whole, and the imperative need
of the country for legislation of this general character. For this
reason the bill is approved.
SENATOR
JOHNSON'S SPEECH IN THE SENATE ON EXCLUSION
(Congressional Record, vol. 65 (April 9, 1924), p. 5951-5952)
On April 9, 1924, the Senate, as in Committee of the Whole, had resumed
the consideration of the Senate bill (S. 2676) to limit the immigration
of aliens into the United States, and for other purposes. The pending
amendment to the immigration bill was that which proposed first to
strike out from the bill the words relating to the gentlemen's
agreement, found on lines 7 and 8, page 5, and then adding
the various provisions suggested in the amendment by Senator Shortridge.
Senator Hiram W. Johnson, of California, in his speech of April 9,
1924, before the Senate referred to the necessity of the adoption of
the proposed amendments and pointed out the importance of the
immigration question not merely to California but to the Nation as a
whole. The text of Senator Johnson's speech follows:
The design, of
course, of the amendment that has been presented, Mr.
President, is to strike out first the words now in lines 7 and 8 of
page
5 of the bill in order that we may eliminate, if we can, the
gentlemen's agreement or gentlemen's agreements which may now exist
between this country and other countries, and then specifically provide
for those who may be admissible under the bill.
The question is far
greater than a question of a particular or specific locality. It is, in
my opinion, a question fundamental in its scope. It involves, indeed,
the exercise of the power which unquestionably rests in the Congress of
the United States and the power which any nation of necessity must have
in relation to its immigration problems. It has been said so often that
it is quite trite to repeat it that immigration is a domestic question;
that it is, indeed, the right of any nation for itself to determine who
may come within its borders, and particularly it is the prerogative of
the Congress of the United States to decree what it may see fit
concerning immigration.
Those who come from the territory from which I come have been for many
years in the past acutely interested in the immigration problem in one
aspect, and, of course, in the immigration problem in its larger
aspect, too. We have had in existence, as has been stated upon the
floor here, a gentlemen's agreement with Japan, the design of which was
to prevent the coming of laborers into the territory of the West, and
to preclude the economic difficulties which subsequently might arise
from immigration of those who are unassimilable in character, and who
constantly, continuously, and forever owe their allegiance to a foreign
power. For some reason that I never have been able wholly to fathom,
the United States Government yielded its right to determine the
character of its immigration from the Japanese Empire as it has yielded
it in the case of no other nation. In respect to every other country
our Government not only has tenaciously held to the right but has
jealously guarded the right of determining who could come, in what
numbers, and in every particular has insisted that our Government alone
should be the sole judge; and a fundamental proposition it will be
obvious that a nation must guard this right, or a nation yields at once
its jurisdiction and its control over that which peculiarly is its own
province.
In the instance in respect to Japan, yielding perhaps to a pride or
presumption asserted by no other land, we entered into what was termed
the gentlemen's agreement. Those of us who have eyes and may see, who
are residents of California, know that the gentlemen's agreement has
not been effective. In my own experience, it required no taking of a
census either by the Federal authorities or by those representing
Japan, as a census was taken at one time, nor does it require the
activities of the board of control of the State of California, as
evidenced in their report of a year or two ago upon the number of
Japanese in our State, to know what has transpired.
In the city in which I was born, for instance, Mr. President, the city
of Sacramento, when I left there a quarter of a century ago there
probably was no part of that city distinctly Japanese at all. When I
returned there as Governor of California some years later some blocks
had been acquired by Japanese, and in late years a thriving part of the
city has been devoted for very many blocks to the Japanese residents of
that particular community; all this in spite of the fact that a
gentlemen's agreement presumably was in force which precluded the
possibility of a large influx of Japanese.
When I was a lad I recall, sir, that the territory surrounding the city
of Sacramento was devoted to farms which furnished adequate living and
occupation to many of our race; farms where the produce of all northern
California, indeed, was brought to the cities for distribution. In
later years as a fact I observed that the produce of northern
California, ninety-odd percent of it, was brought into the city of
Sacramento and into adjacent cities by Japanese farmers, and that the
lands which had furnished happy homes to thousands of our people had
been acquired by Japanese agriculturists. The evidence is plenary to
the eye -- it requires nothing more with one familiar with the
situation -- that the influx has been continuous, constantly
increasing, and that the gentlemen's agreement has not worked at all.
It is perfectly obvious, it seems to me, that when a country resigns
its right to control those who are to come into it from, another
country, pressure necessarily will be brought by the residents of that
other country upon their officials, so that the administration of any
agreement thus intrusted to any foreign power will be lax, and will not
be of the sort that we desire.
We have had the opportunity of contrast between the exercise of the
policy by the Government itself in an exclusion law and the
administration of a policy by a foreign country that has exactly the
same design. We have the Chinese exclusion law under which, because of
the enactment of the Congress of the United States, the number of
Chinese has constantly decreased. We have the gentlemen's agreement,
where Japan exercised the original right, under which the Japanese
inhabitants of our territory have constantly increased.
Fundamentally, therefore, our country ought to pursue the policy in
respect to immigration in regard to the Japanese that it has pursued in
respect to every other country. We have relinquished our sovereignty in
this regard to only one country -- ^that is, Japan -- and if the
question, therefore, were merely academic, there ought to be no doubt,
it seems to me, in regard to the adoption of the amendment that has
been suggested.
Another aspect of the amendment that is appealing, too, is that it
maintains the naturalization laws and the naturalization policy of our
country. To enact the language that has been suggested by the bill
would be not only an abrogation of our immigration policy but a
nullification, too, of our naturalization policy; and the
naturalization policy that is suggested by the amendment refers to no
one race, but refers only to those who are ineligible to citizenship,
and the language employed is the language employed by the
naturalization laws themselves. We seek, Mr. President, no
discrimination by the amendment against Japan. What is sought, if the
amendment be no agreed to, is a discrimination against the United
States of America, and it is the latter that we would prevent if we
could, by the amendment.
That you may not think that we ask something that is not justified and
warranted by the facts, I do not recite at length the history of the
gentlemen's agreement, but I recall just one phase. of it, and that is
that when the gentlemen's agreement originally was adopted it was
stated with clarity and agreed to by all that if it were not effective
an exclusion policy would be adopted by this country by congressional
enactment, and that exclusion policy would be similar to that which had
been adopted so far as the Chinese were concerned. The time has arrive
when the demonstration is absolute that the gentlemen's agreement does
not prohibit; and because it does not prohibit we have reached the
stage that was agreed originally, that if it did not prohibit we would
enact, under the policy that we have ever pursued and the power that
exists in the Government, a law which would be essential to carry out
the original design of the gentlemen's agreement.
I have stated as briefly as I could the purposes of the amendment.
There is no purpose in it to be offensive to any nation. The policy has
offended no nation thus far, and the policy suggested is that which has
been adopted with respect to every nation on the face of the earth save
one; and in our opinion there can be no legitimate reason for making
the exception in the one instance and the rule applicable in every
other instance.
If it be asserted at all that what is asked by us is in conflict with
the treaty that has been entered into of 1911, I call attention to
pages 2 to 6 of the House committee report, demonstrating conclusively
that the language employed is language which has been suggested to
avoid the very idea of conflict with the treaty, and that it makes the
particular amendment conform entirely to our treaty.
Upon every consideration we insist, therefore -- considerations that
you may assert to be local in character, but which I deny, because the
question is broader than that; considerations of carrying our the
definite policy concerning naturalization; considerations of carrying
out as well the policy we have adopted with every other nation
concerning immigration; above and beyond that, the consideration of
having the prerogative that exists in the Congress of the United States
exercised in the place where it ought to be exercised, the Congress of
the United States -- the amendment ought to be adopted.
ORIGIN
OF EXCLUSION POLICY
Historical outline.
-- The power to regulate immigration, says John
Bassett Moore (Moore, A Digest of International Law, Washington,
Government Printing Office, 1905, vol. IV, sec. 561, p. 151, 152),
generally acknowledged as America's foremost authority
on international law --
is an incident of
the sovereign right to expel or exclude objectionable
aliens. The exercise of the power in a particular country is governed
by the constitution and laws. In the United States it belongs to the
National Government, as part of its power to regulate commerce. * * *
The plenary power of the legislative branch of the Government to
provide for the exclusion of aliens applies to those who have acquired
a domicile in the United States, as well as to those who have not.
Under statute enacted as early as April 14, 1802, it was provided that
only free white persons were eligible for citizenship in the United
States. This statute was subsequently amended by the act of 1870 under
which the privilege of citizenship was extended to aliens of African
nativity and to persons of African descent. Thus the law, as
consolidated in the Revised Statutes (Rev. Stats, sec. 2169), observes
Mr. Moore, embraces
only white persons and persons of African descent (Moore, op. cit.,
vol. III, sec. 383, p. 320, citing acts of April 14, 1802, 2 Stat. 153;
May 26, 1824, 4 Stat. 69; July 14, 1870, 16 Stat. 254; February 18,
1875, 18 Stat. 318: Rev. Stats., sec. 2169. See also Moore, American
Diplomacy, p. 193).
Beginning with 1882, the United States, by successive acts of Congress,
undertook to exclude Chinese immigrants (see U.S. Department of Labor,
Bureau of Immigration, Treaty, laws, and rules governing the admission
of Chinese, Washington, Government Printing Office, 1917) as well as --
persons who are
natives of islands not possessed by the United States
adjacent to the Continent of Asia * * * or who are natives of any
country, province, or dependenty situate on the Continent of Asia, as
specified by the Act of 1917 (39 Statutes at Large 876, sec. 3).
Section 9 of this act also provided
that it shall be unlawful for any transportation company, or the owner,
master, agent, or consignee of any vessel to bring to the United States
"any alien who is excluded by the terms of section 3 of this act as a
native of that portion of the Continent of Asia and the islands
adjacent thereto described in said section.'' (39 Statutes at Large 881)
As has been noted above, the strong opposition to the immigration of
Japanese laborers into the United States, which was emphasized by a
mass meeting held at San Francisco in 1900 (Millis, H. A., The Japanese
Problem in the United States, New York, McMillan Co., 1915, p. 11),
finally led to the
conclusion in 1907 of the Root-Takahira understanding, known as the
gentlemen's agreement (see ante).
During the period from 1907 to 1924 sentiment for the restriction of
immigration became even more pronounced (see Cavanaugh, F. P.,
Immigration Restriction at Work Today, Washington, D. C, 1928, p.
12ff). This period saw the
introduction of the literacy test; the Quota Act of May 19, 1921, which
later on was extended by the Quota Act of May 11, 1922, to July 1,
1924; and finally the enactment of the Immigration Act of May 26,
1924,^° under which, for the first time, immigration and eligibility
are recognized as related subjects, and ineligibility to become
naturalized was made a reason for the exclusion of aliens (Ibid., p. 737).
The Immigration
Act of 1924.
-- A bill (H. R. 7995) to limit the
immigration of aliens into the United States, and for other purposes
was first introduced into the House of Representatives by Mr. Albert
Johnson, Representative from the State of Washington on March 17,
1924 (Congressional Record, vol. 65 (Mar. 17, 1924), p. 4395). After
considerable debate it was finally ratified by President
Coolidge on May 26, 1924, after the President's unsuccessful attempts
to amend certain provisions of the bill (see ante).
Section 13 of the act which deals with the exclusion of certain aliens
from the United States was the subject of extensive discussion; and
this was particularly true of subsection (c) of said section, since it
introduced a new principle (immigration based on eligibility to
citizenship) into the immigration policy of the United States.
Below is given a clear statement concerning the provision in question
which at that time was submitted to the attention of the Members of
Congress and which is a part of a memorandum prepared for the use of
the House Committee on Immigration and Naturalization (Trevor, John B.,
An Analysis of the American Immigration Act of 1924, published in
United States Congress, House, Committee on Immigration and
Naturalization, 68th Cong., 1st Sess., hearings on H. R. 5, H. R. 101,
H. R. ,561, H. R. 6540, Washington, Government Printing Office, 1925,
p. 1422-3):
Subsection (c) of
section 13 of the act aims to correct the situation
which has been hereinbefore described by providing that no alien
ineligible to citizenship shall be admitted to the United States; that
is to say, although the Japanese have figured almost exclusively in the
controversy over this section, its provisions apply to a population
amounting to perhaps a billion of people, of which the inhabitants of
Japan comprise barely threescore millions. However, when the exceptions
to this provision are carefully examined, it will be observed that the
substance and clear intent of the gentlemen's agreement are embodied in
the statute; that is to say, (1) an alien ineligible for citizenship
previously lawfully admitted to the United States returning from a
temporary visit abroad may be admitted; (2) an immigrant ineligible for
citizenship who continuously, for at least 2 years immediately
preceding the time of his application for admission to the United
States, has been and is seeking to enter the United States solely for
the purpose of carrying on the vocation of minister of any religious
denomination or professor of a college, academy, seminary, or
university and his wife and unmarried children under 18 years of age if
accompanying or following to join him, may be admitted; or (3) an
immigrant ineligible for citizenship who is bona fide student at least
15 years of age and seeks to enter the United States solely for the
purpose of study at an accredited school, college, academy, seminary,
or university particularly designated by him and approved by the
Secretary of Labor may be admitted. These provisions are the exemptions
provided for in subsections (b), (d), and (e) of section 4. Finally,
more important than these classes of persons is that group defined in
subsection (6) of section 3 of the act, which entitles Japanese or any
of the people to whom the provisions of the section apply, who desire
to enter the United States solely to carry on trade under and in
pursuance of the provisions of a present existing treaty of commerce
and navigation, to admission at our ports.
A careful consideration of the provisions described in the preceding
paragraph makes it clear that the essential difference between the
situation as it existed prior to the passage of the Immigration Act of
1924, and what may be expected to eventuate now that the law has gone
into effect, lies in the fact that the United States Government will
now determine the qualifications of any individual ineligible for
citizenship seeking admission into the United States; that is to say,
the responsibility for a determination of the eligibility and good
faith of such persons to enter regardless of the country of their
origin, will be determined by the American consul at the point of
departure for our shores, and by the immigration inspectors at the
ports of entry of the United States.
PRESIDENT
THEODORE ROOSEVELT ON EXCLUSION
President Theodore Roosevelt's attitude on the exclusion of Japanese
immigrants seems to have changed considerably after the year 1906 (see
U. S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Immigration, 68th Cong., 1st
sess.. Hearings on S. 2576, Washington, Govt. Print. Off. 1924, p. 12).
During that year, in a Message to Congress, he even suggested the
propriety of admitting Japanese to citizenship. It has been pointed out
that "he entirely changed that attitude when he had the facts before
him, and then afterward was firmly and determinedly side by side with
California in the declaration that the two races were so unassimilable
that it was dangerous and suicidal to permit them to maintain in this
country communities of Japanese" (Ibid).
This changed attitude was
reflected not only in his Autobiography and his communications with the
California Legislature, but also in his Executive order of March 14,
1907 (International Conciliation, documents for the year 1925, p. 175),
in which he declared that passports issued by the Government of
Japan to Japanese and Korean laborers to go to Mexico, Canada, or
Hawaii were being used "for the purpose of enabling the holders thereof
to come to the continental territory of the United States to the
detriment of labor conditions therein." The full text of the said
executive order reads as follows (Ibid.,
p. 157-158):
EXECUTIVE ORDER,
MARCH 14, 1907
Whereas, by the Act entitled "An Act to regulate the immigration of
aliens into the United States," approved February 20, 1907, whenever
the President is satisfied that passports issued by any foreign
government to its citizens to go to any country other than the United
States or to any insular possession of the United States or to the
canal zone, are being used for the purpose of enabling the holders to
come to the continental territory of the United States to the detriment
of labor conditions therein, it is made the duty of the President to
refuse to permit such citizens of the country issuing such passports to
enter the continental territory of the United States from such country
or from such insular possession or from the canal zone;
And whereas, upon sufficient evidence produced before me by the
department of commerce and labor, I am satisfied that passports issued
by the government of Japan to citizens of that country or Korea and who
are laborers, skilled or unskilled, to go to Mexico, to Canada, and to
Hawaii, are being used for the purpose of enabling the holders thereof
to come to the continental territory of the United States to the
detriment of labor conditions therein;
I hereby order that such citizens of Japan or Korea, to wit: Japanese
or Korean laborers, skilled and unskilled, who have received passports
to go to Mexico, Canada, or Hawaii, and come therefrom, be refused
permission to enter the continental territory of the United States.
It is further ordered that the Secretary of Commerce and Labor be, and
hereby is, directed to take, through the Bureau of Immigration and
Naturalization, such measures and to make and enforce such rules and
regulations as may be necessary to carry this order into effect.
THEODORE ROOSEVELT.
UNDERSTANDING
BETWEEN SENATOR FLINT, CONGRESSMAN KAHN, HON. FRANKLIN K.
LANE, AND PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT CONCERNING ANTI-JAPANESE LEGISLATION IN
CALIFORNIA
In 1909 the California Legislature had before it several anti-Japanese
bills. Owing chiefly to his new understanding with Japan, the
gentlemen's agreement of 1907-8, President Roosevelt was anxious that
friction between California and Japan should cease and that the bills
should not be adopted by the California Legislature. At the President's
request a commission of Californians, including Senator Frank Putnam
Flint, Congressman Julius Kahn, and Hon. Franklin K. Lane conferred
with the President on the matter (see U. S. Congress, Senate, Committee
on Immigration, 68th Cong., 1st sess., hearings on S. 2576, Washington,
Government Printing Office, 1924, p. 13). On February 8, 1909, shortly
after
the conference, President Roosevelt sent a telegram to Hon. P. A.
Stanton, speaker of the assembly, Sacramento, Calif., which contained
the following passage (for full text of the telegram, see "The Works of
Theodore Roosevelt, national edition, New York, Scribner's Sons, 1926,
vol. 20, p. 372-374): "The legislation would
accomplish nothing beneficial and would certainly cause some mischief,
and might cause very grave mischief. In short, the policy of the
administration is to combine the maximum of efficiency in achieving the
real object which the people of the Pacific slope have at heart, with
the minimum of friction or trouble, while the misguided men who
advocate such action as this against which I protest are following a
policy which combines the very minimum of efficiency with the maximum
of insult, and which, while totally failing to achieve any real result
for good, yet might accomplish an infinity of harm. If in the next
year or two the action of the Federal Government fails to achieve what
it is now achieving, then through the further action of the President
and Congress it can be made entirely efficient." (The
italics are mine.)
The California Legislature thereupon killed all the bills to which
President Roosevelt had taken exception. The President then sent a
telegram to the speaker of the assembly which had the following tenor
(Senate hearings on S. 2576, p. 15):
Accept my heartiest
thanks and congratulations for the great service
you have rendered on behalf of the people of the United States. I thank
the people of California and their representatives in the legislature.
The President sent a second telegram, on February 10, 1909, to Gov. J.
M. Gillette which read as follows (Senate hearings on S. 2576, p. 15.):
Accept my heartiest
congratulations. All good Americans appreciate what
you have done. Pray extend my congratulations individually to all who
aided you. I feel the way in which California has done what was right
for the Nation makes it more than ever obligatory to safeguard the
interests of California. All that I can do to this end either in public
or private shall most certainly be done.
Three
days later (February 13,
1909) the Honorable Franklin K. Lane wrote a letter to Mr. George W.
Lane from the National Capital in which he referred to the Japanese
question and which contained the paragraph given below (A. W. Lane and
L. H. Wall, editors. The letters of Franklin Knight Lane, Boston and
New York, Houghton Mifflin Co., 1922, p. 68):
* * * I gave it (my
interview on the Japanese question) at the request
of the President (Roosevelt), because he said that the Republican
Senators and Congressmen would not stand by him if it was going to be a
partisan question in California politics. So I said that I would give
the value of my name and influence to the support of his policy, so
that Flint, Kahn, et. al. could quote me as against any attack by the
Democrats. The President has done great work for the coast. * * *
RESOLUTION
OF SENATOR REED (DECEMBER 7, 1926) AND SENATOR COPELAND'S
BILL CONCERNING THE EXCLUSION OF HINDUS OR OTHER ASIATICS
During the Sixty-ninth Congress, Senator Royal S. Copeland of New York
introduced into Congress a number of bills to amend the Immigration Act
of 1924, particularly sections 4 and 24 of the said act. He also
introduced a bill for the purpose of amending section 2169 of the
Revised Statutes of the United States. With regard to the latter it has
been observed that (Garner, Denationalization of American Citizens, in
American Journal of International Law, January 1927, vol. 21, p. 107):
There is now a bill
before Congress, introduced by Senator Copeland,
which proposes to amend section 2169 of the Revised Statutes by
enumerating the races whose members shall be deemed "white persons"
within the meaning of
this section. Among the races specified is the Hindu race. The Chinese,
Japanese, and other Asiatic races, however, are not included. At its
recent convention in Detroit, the American Federation of Labor adopted
a resolution endorsing the Copeland bill and instructing its executive
council to use its efforts to have the bill enacted into law.
Senator David A. Reed of Pennsylvania, on December 7, 1926, introduced
into the Senate a joint resolution (S. J. Res. 128) "providing for the
ratification and confirmation of the naturalizations of certain persons
of the Hindu race." (Congressional Record, December 7, 1926, vol. 68,
p. 37) On the same day Senator Reed also presented a memorial (Ibid.,
p. 36) "numerously signed by citizens of Pennsylvania, New York, New
Jersey, and other States, remonstrating against the decision of the
Supreme Court of the United States to the effect that Hindus were not
eligible to American citizenship for the reason that they were not free
white persons, according to the commonly accepted meaning of the term."
This memorial was then referred to the Senate Committee on Immigration.
SECTION
XVIII
MEMORANDUM ON STATEHOOD FOR HAWAII
(Prepared by John F. G. Stokes long before Pearl Harbor.)
Oceanic is more than 2,000 miles from the nearest land -- namely
California. This isolation and distance prevents the great bulk of
island residents from absorbing American ideals and culture through
intimate contact with them at their sources. They must be obtained
through the much slower processes of reading and school instruction.
DISTRIBUTION
OF RACIAL STOCKS OR NATIONALITIES
Hawaii has a serious problem in Americanization due to its mixed
population, and the overwhelming proportion of the Asiatic stocks. The
segregation for June 30, 1935, estimated by the Territorial Board of
Health has been reduced to percentages:
|
Percent |
|
Percent |
Japanese |
39 |
Asiatic
stocks |
62 |
Filipino |
14 |
Chinese and Korean |
9 |
Absorbtive
stocks |
25 |
Hawaiian, all and part |
15 |
Portuguese |
8 |
Nonvoting,
i.e. Army, Navy, and alien |
10 |
Scattering |
2 |
"Other Caucasian" (mostly American) |
13 |
Enfranchised American |
3 |
Total |
100 |
Total |
100 |
The other Caucasian classification included American, British, German,
French, Norwegian, citizen or alien, and also the very large citizen
but nonvoting and shifting population of the Army and Navy services.
The resident, voting, unmixed American stock represents only about 3
percent as against resident Asiatic stocks comprising 62 percent of the
whole population.
HAWAII
THE GREAT DEFENSE POST OF AMERICA
On account of its geographical situation and suitable harbors? Hawaii
is America's most important defense post in the one anticipated
direction of danger. The value of Pearl Harbor was early recognized,
and its control was demanded by the United States, long before
annexation, as a consideration of tariff reciprocity.
Danger from Japan
has been apparent to all of the present generation. It is confirmed by
Premier Tanaka's confidential memorial to the Japanese Emperor in 1927,
a copy of which was stolen by a Chinese and a translation published in
Shanghai. One of the reprints was handed to your committee.
As the memorial will show, Japan believes she is definitely out for
world conquest, and recognizes that the United States is an obstruction
to its plans and must be first crushed.
The idea of world conquest is a favorite one among the Japanese whose
sacred traditions and official superstitions teach them that they are a
chosen race. Nor is it a recent idea. As pointed out by Brinkley in the
History of Japan, it was conceived in 1592 and the campaign actually
begun then. The first step, the conquest of Korea, had been
accomplished when progress was stopped through the death of the great
shogun responsible for the plan. His successor was less ambitious.
The genuineness of the Tanaka memorial is affirmed by its similarity
with the plan of 1592 (allowing for increase in geographical
knowledge), and that it has been so closely followed since its
presentation.
JAPANESE
AGGRESSION AND IMMIGRATION PRIOR TO ANNEXATION
In 1897 Hobron wrote that Japan's "policy is to land as many of Japan's
subjects in Hawaii as possible -- the plan has been made public,
innocently perhaps, by officials of the Japanese Government -- and then
by force of superior numbers demand the right of franchise for its
citizens. This obtained the rest would be easy * * *."
The same year Sturdevant cited, from a vernacular paper published in
Japan, a similar program for world expansion by means of ''emigration
facilitated by the authorities at home" and the assistance of legations
and consulates abroad. How early this policy was inaugurated cannot be
ascertained here. That it was attempted in Hawaii is clear from what
follows.
Emigration from Japan to Hawaii began in 1868 with a small group of
148. It was then forbidden by the Japanese Government, which for many
years refused renewal of its permission.
The embargo being removed later, immigrants or contract laborers poured
into Hawaii until, between 1865 and the end of 1892, 23,286 had been
received. They were mostly men, with only a few women, and very many
were understood to be Army reservists.
In 1893, after the overthrow of the monarchy in Hawaii, a Japanese coup
was attempted, according to an account by Prof. Frank A. Hosmer,
written in 1909. Professor Hosmer was president of Oahu College in
Honolulu for 10 years, participated in the Revolution of 1893 and in
the councils of the Provisional Government, and was later the
representative for Amherst in the Massachusetts Legislature.
According
to Hosmer, the Japan Government, some years prior to the overthrow of
the monarchy, conceived the plan of annexing the Hawaiian Islands. The
time seemed ripe when the revolution occurred, and the warship Naniwa,
under Commander (later Admiral) Togo, was dispatched, with a full
equipment of arms for the Japanese residents in Hawaii. They, already
informed, were ready. In fact, a small army of them, armed with cane
knives did advance on Honolulu before Togo arrived.
The plot was revealed through the boastfulness of the local Japanese,
and before the Naniwa
came the Provisional Government asked for and
received from American Minister Steven a temporary protectorate.
Then followed demands from the Japanese Government for Hawaiian
enfranchisement of its nationals in Hawaii. People in Japan became so
worked up over the matter that they held mass meetings to urge the
Government to take action, and letters from the Hawaiian Minister in
Japan to his home office indicate his distress at the situation.
The
franchise agitation from Japan continued parallel with greatly
increased immigration to Hawaii until the begiiming of 1897. In the
years 1893, 1894, 1895, and 1896, 14,429 Japanese arrived in Hawaii,
very few of whom were women. In the last 3 months of this period, 2,273
entered, according to Bishop.
Early in 1897, the Hawaiian
Government awoke to the fact that its immigration laws were being
flouted, and after a close scrutiny of many shiploads of immigrants,
1,125 were rejected and returned to Japan.
Japan's protest is a
matter of history, as is the fact that the Hawaiian Government paid an
indemnity of $75,000, not as an admission of wrongdoing, but in order
to clear the way for annexation. Japan also protested to the United
States against annexation.
The whole subject was reviewed
vigorously in the reports on annexation to the Fifty-fifth Congress,
presented to the House on May 17, 1898, and to the Senate the day
before.
From the preceding references there can be little
question that Japan included Hawaii in her area of expansion, and that
her main interest in emigration to Hawaii was a means of gaining
control. But for the intervention of the United States, control might
have been effected.
POST-ANNEXATION
PROPAGANDA
Following
annexation, pro-Japanese propaganda emanated from two main sources, and
served to militate against the Americanization of the coming citizens.
One source was the Japanese consulate, and the present consul justifies
the course as a duty. The other source is discussed by the Honolulu
Advertiser, as follows:
The
Advertiser on October 9 printed an editorial defining its policy on
statehood. Among other topics the Japanese-language schools were
discussed. No criticism was offered the usual functions of a language
or private school. Knowledge of Japanese is an asset in anyone's
education. Knowledge of the language, history, culture, and progress of
Japan is particularly an asset to every American-Japanese in Hawaii.
They have every right to conduct these schools.
What the
Advertiser contends is that teaching in the Japanese schools goes
beyond the surface curriculum. No fault could be found in a translation
of the textbooks used. Washington, Lincoln, and other historic figures
in our national life have their place in the schoolroom. But another
strain of thought is subtly conveyed by alien teachers not in
accordance with American ideals set forth in the
Japanese-language-school textbooks. That is the Advertiser's firm
conviction as expressed last week. It is just as strong today. Such
alien teaching in talks and contacts with young American-Japanese has a
tendency to place Japan before the United States, to build up Japanese
national spirit, a conflict bewildering to pupils in the formative
stages of their education and harmful to undivided loyalty.
The
Japanese Education Association of Hawaii, which manages the
Japanese-language schools of the Territory, in a statement to the
newspapers of Honolulu takes exception to the Advertiser editorial.
This association is largely if not altogether alien. A high percentage
of its teachers is alien. With it rests the opportunity of allaying all
suspicion of a lack of thorough Americanism, by employing
Japanese-American teachers. Japanese-language schools undoubtedly then
would come out from under the cloud that hangs over them under the
present organization and meet with the approval of those qualified to
criticize.
Chief objection of the Hawaii Kyoiku Kai was leveled at the following
paragraph in the Advertiser editorial:
"While
the Japanese-language schools and the Buddhist temples which are
closely allied with them face a steadv decline in attendance with the
advent of second, third, and other
generations to come, of children born in Hawaii, nevertheless it does
not take a very deep thinking man to see how these students who are
taught the ideals of George Washington in the morning and loyalty to
the Imperial Government of Japan in the afternoon, might become
extremely confused, not only as to their loyalties, but as to their own
ideals."
The viewpoint expressed above was born of similar sentiment proclaimed
by leaders in education, government, and religion, record publications,
official statistics, letters, and authorized statements. They speak for
themselves, perhaps not as directly in some instances, but in all
without equivocation as to their meaning and warning.
JAPANESE SCHOOLS
JAPANIZED
On the occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of Japanese immigration to
Hawaii, the Paradise Times, published in the interest of the New
Americans and sponsored among others by the publisher of the Nippu
Jiji, says editorially:
"Today Japanese in Hawaii are displaying Japanese spirit in full color.
This may be the reaction of the rise of nationalism in Japan. Many of
the Japanese schools have become Japanized. Imperial rescript is boldly
read and taught in some of the schools. Some teachers have openly
declared they are teaching Japanese spirit through the medium of the
Japanese language."
The Reverend Takie Okumura, in delivering the welcoming address to the
eighth annual conference of New Americans, held in 1934, from June 18
to June 23 at Fuller hall, said:
"The suspicion against the language schools is steadily growing. In the
Nippu Jiji of March 27, 1934, Shinryu Umehara, a Buddhist priest, who
made an extensive lecture tour of Hawaii and Pacific Coast States,
said: 'I am profoundly impressed at the great place of the
Japanese-language schools and the Buddhist temples in the Japanese
community. They are a hotbed of racial consciousness, Japanese culture
and spirit, etc.'
"By his statement Umehara put his O. K. on the suspicion of the
American people. When we think of all these facts, can we not believe
that the clouds of gloom are growing thicker?"
And further along in his address. Rev. Mr. Okumura says:
"Today the pendulum has swung in the opposite direction, and the
Japanese community seems to be Japanized more and more. Since its
victory in the Supreme Court, the language schools are beginning to
display the real color of Japanism. We Japanese are to be blamed for
strengthening the suspicion and misunderstandings against the citizens
of Japanese ancestry."
OPINION AT NINTH
CONFERENCE OF NEW AMERICANS
Then came the ninth annual conference of New Americans, held at Fuller
hall from July 15 to July 20, 1935, and the Reverend Takie Okumura,
sending a message to the conference, said in part:
"They (citizens) must be unadulterated in their loyalty to their
country, and for their country they must be willing to sacrifice
everything. * * * Today Hawaii is seeking to become a member of the
Union. American citizens of Japanese ancestry must realize that their
loyalty and their actions have an important bearing on the whole
question of statehood. They must show more willingness to put aside
everything that hinders Hawaii in her aspiration, and prove definitely
that they are real American citizens."
On Friday, July 19, there was a round-table discussion during the
sessions of the New Americans at Fuller hall on The New Outlook for
Statehood for Hawaii. Senator Joseph R. Farrington presided. An excerpt
from the report of the discussions follows:
"The real crux of the whole question of statehood, said several
delegates, is the attitude and actions of the American citizens of
Oriental ancestry. They must demonstrate in every possible way that
they are ready to take their place as loyal American citizens."
Senator Farrington, who is general manager of the Honolulu
Star-Bulletin, concerning a recent survey relating to Japanese schools
said:
"I would not care to express any views about Japanese schools in Hawaii
without having more information about them than I have at the present
time."
LONG WOULD LIKE TO
SEE LANGUAGE SCHOOLS ELIMINATED
Oren E. Long, superintendent of the department of public instruction,
queried on the same subject, replied by letter as follows:
"The whole question of the language schools will doubtless remain a
controversial issue for a good many years.
"I am familiar with opinions expressed some years ago by a number of
public school leaders and university professors. They agreed that the
language schools are not at present a particular detriment to the best
development of the community. At the same time I think that each of
these educational leaders looks forward to the day when the schools
will be eliminated."
"My own opinion is that all these schools have a direct bearing on
Hawaii's standing before the American bar of public opinion, and for
this reason I should like to see them eliminated."
Setsuechi Aoki, general secretary of the Society of International
Cultural Relations, with headquarters in Japan, taking cognizance of
Hawaii, is quoted as saying in Tokyo, November, 1934:
"For several years the school heads in Hawaii and America, with the aid
of many influential educators and missionaries, made a survey of
American textbooks for the Japanese society. The survey revealed that
if proper propaganda is systematically carried out in the schools, the
American children will become strong friends of Japan."
VIEWS OF AMERICAN
MISSIONARY IN HAWAII
A well known American mission worker (Dr. Frye) was recently quoted as
follows:
"My personal view favors the right of Japanese parents in Hawaii to
teach their children the Japanese language, but I regret that many of
the Japanese schools * * * emphasize racial consciousness and Japanese
loyalty and culture in such a manner that the second generation of
Japanese are hampered in their preparations for American citizenship.
"It is my opinion that the greatest stumbling block to the progress of
the Japanese-language schools in Hawaii would be removed if they had no
connection whatsoever with the Buddhist religion. The fact that these
schools are maintained for purposes other than mastery of the language,
presents a difficulty and a spirit of intolerance in communities where
Buddhist priests are the controlling influence. This kind of thing may
be all right for Japan but in my opinion it is unfortunate in America."
DR. A. W. PALMER
WAS SKEPTICAL
The Reverend Albert W. Palmer, D. D., at one time minister of Central
Union Church, wrote a book entitled "The Human Side of Hawaii."
Discussing some of the problems relating to Japanese residents and
their place in the social community. Dr. Palmer on page 111 said:
"The language school problem is complicated, then, by extremists on
both sides. On the Japanese side there is doubtless a subtle but
indefinite and hidden influence on the part of the Buddhist
organization. The Buddhist and the Shinto priests and temples are
natural centers of nationalistic sentiment on the part especially of
the older, non-speaking and un-Americanized Japanese. Since the
Japanese language is the language of Buddhism and English is the
language of Christianity, it would be only natural that conservative
Buddhist influence should deplore any weakening of the language school
system. At the same time this influence, in the nature of things, is
never expressed openly and remains subtle, hidden, imponderable."
It has been stated from time to time, officially and semiofficially,
that leading Japanese in Hawaii have been educated with the help of
Prince Fushimi's scholarship fund, administered by His Imperial
Highness Prince Fushimi's Scholarship association of Japan. There is
also another organization known as the Institute of Overseas Peoples
Education, controlled by the Japanese Foreign Office bureau. Concerning
the influence of this latter association, one has a quotation from
Viscount Ishii's speech, published in the Osaka Mainichi Shimbun, at
Osaka, Japan, July 2, 1934:
"The Institute of Overseas Peoples Education is an organization for
infusing the Japanese spirit into the second generation of Japanese
abroad and founded in response to persistent requests from the Japanese
living in foreign countries.
"In other words, Japanese abroad even when they acquire wealth cannot
come home, even if they wanted to, on account of their children. Leave
the second generation in the land of their residence, but don't let
them forget the Japanese spirit. It is this way. In buying, select
Japanese goods; in voting, cast the ballot for politicians friendly to
Japanese."
STOKES CHECKS UP ON
WILFRED C. TSUKIYAMA
In a letter to the chairman of the subcommittee on statehood, now
conducting hearings in Hawaii, John F. G. Stokes said:
"This morning the Honorable Wilfred C. Tsukiyama was put forward by the
powerful local pro-statehood committee as the shining example of
Hawaii's New Americans of Japanese ancestry * * *. Mr. Tsukiyama has
always been regarded as an able man, and his abilities and capabilities
have never been questioned. May I beg you to receive the enclosed three
sheets of extracts as a compendium of Mr. Tsukiyama's replies to my
questions, and further ask you to transmit them with this letter to Mr.
Tsukiyama for his comment or otherwise. I have no desire to speak
behind his back.
"Mr. Tsukiyama denied (1) that his mainland scholarship was from the
Fushimi fund; (2) that he knew the contributors (or their names) of the
local fund which financed him, and (3) that there was pro-Japanese
propaganda in the Japanese language schools. According to the extracts,
which give their authority, all such denials are shown to be false.
"It was stated by the Honolulu Times and not denied that Mr. Tsukiyama,
when a dual citizen and holding public office in the city and county,
made in public some insulting remarks on Admiral Stirling. The Japanese
consul sent for Mr. Tsukiyama and told him that the Imperial Japanese
Government would not permit a Japanese citizen to speak so of a high
officer of a friendly nation. Mr. Tsukiyama was given the option of
apologizing to Admiral Stirling, or of expatriation. The latter was
chosen."
EXTRACTS IN THE
MATTER FROM NIPPU JIJI
Stokes then quotes his extracts from the Nippu Jiji, issue of April 28,
1934, as follows:
"Dr. Iga Mori was reelected chairman of the Prince Fushimi memorial
scholarship society at the twenty-seventh annual meeting of the
organization yesterday afternoon at the headquarters of the Honolulu
Japanese Chamber of Commerce.
"Other officers, all of whom were also reelected, include: vice
chairman, the Reverend Takie Okumura; secretary, Gerijin Tatsutani;
treasurer, Daizo Sumida, and directors, Yasutaro Soga, Dr. Tomizo
Katsunma, Tokuji Onodera, Matsutaro Yamashiro, Wilfred C. Tsukiyama."
In another extract submitted by Stokes from the Nippu Jiji, issue of
July 24, 1934, he quotes:
"In 1919, through donations by Fusanosuke Kuhara, Japanese millionaire,
and other friends, scholarships were awarded every year (from the
Fushimi scholarship fund) for the next several years to send local
students to mainland universities. Among the recipients have been W. C.
Tsukiyama, Tokitaro Susuki, Ernest K. Moriwake, Masaji Murumoto, and
Clarence Y. Shimamura."
STATISTICS ON
JAPANESE LANGUAGE SCHOOLS IN THE TERRITORY
The language school situation, as taken from official records as of
December 31, 1934, follows:
NUMBER OF SCHOOLS
In all the islands there are 207 schools of which 183 are Japanese, 13
Chinese, and 11 Korean. They are distributed as follows: Hawaii, 60;
Maui, 31; Oahu, 88; Kauai, 22; Molokai, 5, and Lanai, 1.
NUMBER OF TEACHERS
There are 784 teachers, of whom 496 are aliens, 288 citizens, and of
whom 421 are males and 363 females. Their distribution is as follows:
Hawaii, 178 of whom 127 are aliens, 51 citizens, and 95 males and 83
females; Oahu, 425, of whom 248 are aliens, 177 citizens, and 299
males, 196 females; Maui, 103, of whom 65 are aliens, 38 citizens, and
53 males, 50 females; Kauai, 66, of whom 45 are aliens, 21 citizens,
and 26 males, 30 females; Molokai, 48, all aliens, and 3 of them
females; Lanai, 4, 3 men, 1 woman, and all but 1 aliens.
NUMBER OF PUPILS
On all the islands there is a total of 44,552 attending
foreign-language schools, 41,192 attending Japanese schools, 2,714
attending Chinese schools, and 646 Korean. Of the pupils all but 190
are citizens and the sex proportion is 23,056 males and 21,496 females.
The island distribution is as follows: Hawaii, 9,704, of whom all but
13 are citizens, and 4,917 males and 4,787 females; Maui, 6,316, of
whom all but 18 are citizens, and 3,225 males and 3,091 females; Oahu,
23,806, of whom all but 149 are citizens, and 12,547 males and 11,259
females; Kauai, 4,068, all but 9 citizens, and 2,015 males and 2,053
females; Molokai, 329, all citizens, and 173 males, 156 females; Lanai,
329, all but 1 citizens, and 179 males and 150 females.
45 PERCENT OF
CHILDREN REGISTERED AS JAPANESE SUBJECTS
Out of 39,310 births of children of Japanese ancestry registered at the
Japanese consulate since 1925, 17,825 registered to become Japanese
subjects, taking advantage of dual citizenship.
The record by years follows: 1925 -- males, 744; females, 648; total,
1,392. In 1926 -- males, 1,842; females, 1,751; total, 3,593. In 1927
-- males, 1,530; females, 1,465; total, 2,995. In 1928 -- males, 1,582;
females, 1,443; total, 3,025. In 1929 -- males, 889; females, 835;
total, 1,724. In 1930 -- males, 681; females, 644; total, 1,325. In
1931 -- males, 611; females, 575; total, 1,188. In 1932 -- males, 490;
females, 492: total, 982. In 1933 -- males, 449; females, 403; total,
825. In 1934 -- males, 407; females, 371; total, 778. Grand total,
17,825.
Since 1929 the public schools at the primary grades insist that all
children who enter the elementary grade shall show a birth certificate.
This, it is said, has had a far-reaching effect on parents in reducing
registration of their children with the Japanese consulate.
From 1925 until 1934, 5,676 American citizens of Japanese ancestry have
been expatriated from Japan. The year-by-year figures are: In 1925, 402
males; 85 females; total 487. In 1926, 430 males; 108 females; total,
538. In 1927, 285 males; 51 females; total, 336. In 1928, 234 males; 32
females; total, 266. In 1929, 205 males; 19 females; total, 226. In
1930, males, 218; females, 18; total, 236. In 1931, males, 261;
females, 29; total, 290. In 1932, males, 902; females, 346; total,
1,248. In 1933, males, 1,204; females, 323; total, 1,527. In 1934,
males, 484; females, 133; total, 614. Grand total, males, 4,624;
females, 1,144; both males and females, 5,768.
It will be recalled that there was much agitation in 1932 and 1933
against dual citizenship, and the large increase in expatriation during
the years, as shown by the tables, is believed to have resulted from
that agitation.
$500,000 TO
$800,000 COLLECTED ANNUALLY
Officers and directors of the Hawaii Kyoiku Kai are:
Taichi Sato, Sato
Clothier, president.
Eichi Kishida, principal Kakaako Japanese language school, vice
president.
Toraki Kimura, principal Palama Japanese language school, secretary.
Kazuyuki Yamamoto, principal Fort Educational Home, treasurer.
Yoshinobu Sasaki, principal Makiki Japanese school, director.
According to Koichi Harada in A Survey of the Japanese Language Schools
in Hawaii, there were 40 schools in Honolulu last year. Eighty-eight
percent of the 46,712 students attending the public schools in 1934
also attended the Japanese schools. In this survey Harada says that by
a conservative estimate the Japanese language schools collect $500,000
annually. Other estimates place this figure as high as $800,000. This
is exclusive of the cost of textbooks. These, Harada says, were
originally prepared by scholars in Japan, but have been revised locally
several times. They are still published by the Naigai Publishing Co. of
Japan.
The Advertiser is quite willing to accept Mr. Sato's word for
the fact that none of the textbooks used in the Japanese language
schools contain derogatory or disloyal reference to America. Such crude
methods could be too easily translated and would constitute too
definite an indictment.
The written comments printed in this article of leading Japanese and
leading Americans very definitely indicate that it is current belief
that un-American propaganda is being subtly and consistently spread in
the language schools.
If the directors of the Japanese language schools are really sincere in
their desire to foster Americanism at the same time students are being
taught Japanese why should they not be willing to have at least their
directorate composed of American citizens instead of aliens, thereby
definitely taking the first step in convincing their critics that the
real purposes of the Japanese language school are sincere, above board
and honest.
The advice of ex-Governor Judd, Oren E. Long, superintendent of public
instruction, David L. Crawford, president of the University of Hawaii,
and the Reverend Oganiura is unanimous to this end.
The community feels that Japanization at present plays a dominant part
in the purpose of the language school.
The burden of proof as to the real purpose rests with you, Mr. Sato,
and with the directors of Hawaii Kyoiku Kai.
This is an American territory. May you demonstrate that you are worthy
of America's confidence and support.
"AGITATION" OF SCHOOLS CITED BY EX-GOVERNOR JUDD
During the session of the ninth annual conference of New Americans at
Fuller Hall, in Honolulu, Lawrence M. Judd, former Governor, discussed
"What New Americans Should Do." He spoke from the standpoint of a man
born and reared in Hawaii, and from observations gained as Governor of
the Territory and travel on the mainland. No other person in the
Territory is more qualified to discuss territorial affairs than
Lawrence M. Judd. He said:
"Speaking now of a subject that has been in my mind very often during
the last few months, especially since I have seen the reaction of my
audiences on my visit to the mainland, I urge that you give earnest
thought to the language schools of Hawaii. They are a constant source
of agitation against you. Their presence is a handicap you need not
tolerate for long.
"The Japanese language schools should be eliminated as rapidly as
possible and in their places should be set up efficient American
schools to promote citizenship and understanding between the United
States and Japan. This is something to which you should give serious
consideration because you can do something about it. And the sooner you
act the sooner all Hawaii and you New Americans will benefit."
JAPANESE OR
AMERICAN? DR. CRAWFORD'S QUERY
Dr. D. L. Crawford, as president of the University of Hawaii, and
observer of economic and educational trends, as well as needs, in the
islands, was one of the principal speakers during the conference of New
Americans in Honolulu this year. His subject was "The New Americans'
Future." His advice was based, not on superficial knowledge, but on the
experience of many years as an educator in the Territory. He said:
"Your concern rather, should be for yourselves lest you fail to achieve
the place you desire in this American commonwealth because you listen
too much to Japanese advice and not enough to Americans. I ask you as
individuals: Are you primarily a member of the Japanese community or an
American citizen of Hawaii? When you have to decide whether or not in
some large or small detail you will modify your Japanese customs and
ways, which has more influence upon your decision: the opinion of
Japanese, or Americans?
"When a majority of our Americans of Japanese ancestry break away from
the control in which Japanese public opinion now holds them, and if
this declaration of independence is accompanied by a declaration of
interdependence with all the citizens of Hawaii so that you will behave
yourselves as good citizens, then we can be sure that we are on the
road to true cooperation, and a splendid future lies just ahead for
Hawaii."
JAPAN'S CENSUS
GUARDS ILLEGAL ENTRANTS HERE
The Nippu Jiji published on August 28, 1935, the rules governing a
census of Japanese in Hawaii, starting September 10 under the
supervision of the Japanese consulate in Honolulu. The census here is
being conducted in connection with a Nation-wide census taking in
Japan, and the Japanese consulate is being assisted by consular agents
in rural Oahu and other islands, and by the United Japanese society of
Honolulu.
Inquiry is made of all the so-called first generation, second
generation and third generation who possess Japanese citizenship.
Though Hawaiian-born, if he or she has reported the birth to the
Japanese Government and thus obtained the Japanese citizenship, and
since then has not been expatriated, it must be reported.
Under the caption of "Questionable Points," appears the following
paragraph:
"This census is taken to determine the population and it is
not connected in any way with information papers compiled for the
government authorities. HENCE, ILLEGAL ENTRANTS NEED NOT BE AFRAID OF
MAKING OUT THIS REPORT.
"A migrator, resident, or temporary traveler
must all be recorded if he is present here on October 1, 1935."
That the Advertiser's stand is right, none with the interest of America
at heart can question. In publishing references, a long existing
festering sore of the community has been laid open to the light; an
excellent step in the healing process. The Reverend Takie Okumura, so
often quoted, has labored for years for his fellow Japanese'
contentment by getting them to turn to America instead of Japan.
From time to time, items of more direct propaganda slip into view. The
committee was shown a small book written entirely in Japanese. It was
issued as a novel and entitled "Future Japan-United States War
Narration." The authorship is attributed to Lt.-Comdr. Koyosuke
Fukunaga, and the book carries the endorsements of two very high
officials, as follows:
Truly worthy of Mr.
Fukunaga's skillful penmanship, it portrays the
future war very well. I hope that, by this book, the readers will come
to understand how important is air power in the national defense of
today.
-- Admiral Kanji
Kato, Councillor of Military Affairs.
Mr. Fukunaga's "Future Japan-United States War Narration," having been
written by a naval officer, as might be expected of them, is
tremendously interesting, and I read it through without pausing.
As a story it is undoubtedly very interesting, but the thing I admire
most is that, in spite of the years that have passed since Mr. Fukunaga
left the Navy, he possesses such a complete knowledge of the
ever-advancing Navy.
Therefore, this book is undoubtedly interesting to the general public
as well as to the naval specialists, besides giving numerous good
suggestions.
As one in the position of Chief of the Imperial Navy, I am not able to
give a full account of the impressions I received, because the contents
of the book are somewhat related to strategic secrets, which I regret
very much.
However, I am able to say this much: If we can win like this it will be
very pleasant. Moreover, if a man like Mr. Fukunaga were my chief of
staff, as commander in chief I would feel very confident.
-- Vice-Admiral
Nobumasa Suetsugu, Commander in Chief of the
United Fleet.
The book was written about the end of 1933. The author's foreword
begins in this manner:
Do you mean to tell
me that there is no need for "Japan-United States
future war narration," just because the United States Fleet is about to
leave the Pacific coast? Do you think that the fleet will be kept on
the Atlantic once it gets back there?
Don't mistake a fleet for a fort. * * *
In the story, of course, the American Fleet is utterly defeated, and
the Hawaiian Islands captured and annexed. Hints are given that the
150,000 Japanese in Hawaii will cooperate. A Negro on the American
Fleet turns traitor, leading to the blowing up of the Oklahoma while in
the Panama Canal -- thus blocking it.
The account, being merely a novel, would not be taken too seriously but
for the method of shipping it into the Territory of Hawaii.
Seventy-seven cases of it were shipped to a local Japanese who claimed
that he had neither ordered them nor had been charged for them. A
second and similar shipment followed. The consignee made no objection
when the alert collector of customs at Honolulu proposed to destroy the
books.
Some copies of the book reached San Francisco, and a translation was
run daily in the Hearst papers in the latter part of January 1934. The
expense of publishing and shipping the edition must have been
considerable, and it could not have been done for mere amusement. The
surreptitious shipment to Hawaii for free distribution could have been
nothing but Japanese Government propaganda among the Japanese-speaking
people of Hawaii.
Attempts to direct the attention of the young Japanese toward their
ancestral land and its advantages are made by lecturers in the
plantation villages. The youthful hearers, with imaginations on fire,
sometimes retail the accounts to their teachers in the Government
schools.
Many young Hawaiian-born Japanese are educated in Japan and stay there
during their formative period. The net result is the piling up in Japan
of Japanese-minded Americans who are privileged to return to Hawaii and
vote.
To sum up the preceding pages, Hawaii represents a most important
defense post of the United States, which, before annexation, Japan made
attempts to secure. Japan's method was to pour in her immigrants who,
through the franchise she tried to secure for them, were to place the
islands in her lap. The descendants of these immigrants may now
dominate the electorate.
{NOTE: For further information on Imperial Japan's plans for Hawaii, see Hawaii Under the Rising Sun: Japan's Plans for Conquest After Pearl Harbor by John J. Stephan (2002). Read The Japanese in Hawaii
by Utaro Okumura (1920), for some very enlightening background
information on reasons for the feelings of "restlessness,
misunderstanding, and
suspicion" between America and Japan. For more on the Japanese race
problem in Hawaii, see this excerpt from Hawaii and Its Race Problem (Dept. of Interior, 1932).}
SECTION XIX
BACKGROUND OF THE JAPANESE PROBLEM IN CALIFORNIA AS OF
SEPTEMBER 1941
Japanese in the United States, both foreign and American born, of whom
there are about 130,000, form one of this country's most foreign-minded
and most closely knit racial groups. They reside in all States of the
Pacific slope, but are largely concentrated in California. The foreign
born among them, being ineligible to citizenship, cannot be
naturalized, and their intense pride of race and almost fanatical love
for Japan causes them not only to keep in closest touch with the mother
country, but to adhere tenaciously to the Japanese manner of life.
Their children, although American citizens by right of birth on the
soil, are so strongly Japanese in racial characteristics that they do
not become assimilated into the lifeblood of this country but remain a
part of the Japanese community dominated by their alien parents.
Because of their unassimilability and the difficulty of Americans
competing with them due to their low standards of living, Japanese
immigrants have never been really welcome in the United States. As
early as 1892, when they began to come in large numbers to take the
place of the excluded Chinese, there was friction between this country
and Japan over the immigration of coolie laborers. A number of them
were refused admission into the port of San Francisco on the ground
that they were contract laborers. But still they kept on coming, and,
as their numbers increased, agitation against them developed quickly.
California demanded that Congress enact an exclusion law similar to the
Chinese Exclusion Act. In 1900, in the hope of quieting this agitation
and forestalling the humiliation of an exclusion law, and possibly
concerned over the fact that in that year some 12,000 of her coolies
entered California, Japan announced that no more passports would be
issued to laborers for admission into continental United States. This
was in effect the first gentlemen's agreement.
This agreement was continually violated. From 1901 to 1908, inclusive,
Japan sent into continental United States, with her passport, 51,689
immigrants (not including those coming from Hawaii), most of whom were
or became laborers. Again and again California protested to Congress
and demanded an exclusion law. In 1907, realizing that something must
be done, and fearful of war with Japan if an exclusion law were passed,
President Theodore Roosevelt began negotiations for another gentlemen's
agreement, which were concluded in 1908. The details of this agreement
were secret, although it was announced that under its terms Japan again
agreed to prevent the increase of the Japanese population in
continental United States, in a manner not injurious to Japan's pride.
The second agreement fared no better than the first. It was
continuously violated. The American courts were powerless to enforce
its terms, the agreement being neither statute law nor treaty. Every
Japanese coming with Japan's passport was entitled to enter. Between
1909, when it went into effect, and 1924, when the agreement was
terminated, the Japanese population of continental United States
increased from 76,714 to 131,357. Their tremendously prolific picture
brides contributed to this increase, each family averaging 5 children.
California, with its mild climate and extraordinary agricultural
resources, delighted the industrious Japanese. In fact, some of their
vernacular newspapers went so far as to call California ''the New
Japan." They were not content to remain day laborers, as had the
Chinese, but rapidly acquired their own land, or leased farm land which
they frequently worked to depletion. Their women worked alongside the
men in the fields for long hours, often with their babies strapped to
their backs. Whole towns became Japanese, the native white population
gradually leaving areas where the Japanese settled, since competition
with them was so difficult if not impossible. They were assertive and
aggressive, and did not achieve the reputation for honesty and
faithfulness that was enjoyed by the Chinese. California fearfully
envisioned the complete control of her agricultural land by the
acquisitive Japanese, and became thoroughly aroused. Feeling ran high,
but there was little of the violence against the Japanese which had
unfortunately marked the agitation for exclusion of the Chinese.
Failing to obtain relief from the situation from Congress and an
antagonistic Federal administration, California passed its alien land
law in 1913, prohibiting aliens ineligible to citizenship from
purchasing land or leasing agricultural land. The Japanese protested,
but proceeded to circumvent this law in many instances by operating in
the names of their American-born children. Still their numbers
increased. The situation was becoming almost a life and death struggle
against the penetration of Japanese.
In 1924, Congress acted to remedy the situation. The Immigration
Restriction Act was passed in that year, and California, with the aid
of other Pacific Coast States, was able to present to Congress such a
convincing case against Japanese penetration that the exclusion
measure, barring those ineligible to American citizenship as permanent
residents, was included therein. The fight was a hard one, however, for
Japan had enlisted many friends in her cause -- missionaries, church
people, idealists, those interested in foreign trade, employers of
cheap labor, and Government officials and Members of Congress entirely
unfamiliar with conditions in California and other Pacific Coast
States. Thus was the cycle of exclusion of orientals made practically
complete. Chinese had been barred by the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882;
Hindus and Malays were excluded by the Barred Zone Act of 1917.
Since the time of their exclusion, and up to the present critical
period in international affairs, the Japanese, both in this country and
in Japan, have protested at every opportunity against the allegedly
discriminatory treatment accorded them under the exclusion measure.
They claim that such discrimination is incompatible with the
sensibilities of a proud people, and demand repeal of the law. Their
publicists even intimate that Japan's present predatory course in Asia
is the result of the slight which America placed upon the Japanese by
excluding them from this country; and they confuse the open door (of
trade) in China with the open door (of immigration) in this country,
claiming that if one door is closed to them the other door must be
closed to us. They overlook entirely the fact that the open door in
China is guaranteed by international treaty to which Japan was one of
the signatories, while immigration is held internationally to be a
purely domestic matter determined solely by each country. Americans do
not desire to migrate to China in vast numbers. The exclusion measure
is not discriminatory, for it applies to practically half the
population of the globe, of which half the Japanese constitute about 7
percent. Enactment of the exclusion measure was not by any means the
unexpected and undeserved blow to her pride that Japan claims. It was
the direct result of 24 years of evasion by her of two agreements not
to send her laborers to this country, - The Japanese also protest
continuously against the alien land laws of the various States where
they are concentrated; and to satisfy their great desire for racial
equality, they urge that the naturalization laws of the country be
changed so as to admit alien Japanese to American citizenship.
There are still many alien Japanese in California, living a typically
Japanese life entirely apart from the rest of the population. By
tremendous industry, skill, and incredibly low living standards, they
still control much of the fruit, vegetable, and berry industries of the
State, particularly in the south. White Americans cannot work the same
long hours, nor will they put their entire families, men, women, and
children into the field day in and day out, as do the Japanese, to
compete with them. Their control of a large portion of the food supply
of the State, coupled with the fact that they own a large fleet of
ultramodern trucks, is disquieting, for they are frequently accused on
good grounds of unfriendly acts and espionage. Active agitation against
them ceased when the exclusion measure became effective. This fact has
considerably increased their opportunities for espionage.
Large sums of money have been and are being spent in this country by
Japan for various propaganda purposes, including the attempt to induce
public opinion to force repeal or modification of the exclusion
measure, and to create a more favorable opinion of her present violent
course in Asia. She has even deliberately planned to propagandize in
our schools. A textbook on Japan, compiled in Hawaii under joint
auspices of the Cultural Relations Society of Japan (Prof. N. Royama
coming from Tokyo to assist in its preparation), the Institute of
Pacific Relations, and the Territorial Board of Education, was in use
in the Honolulu schools in 1935, and its use on the continent was
urged. It contained misstatement of fact with regard to exclusion, and
omitted all but favorable reference to Japan's past and current
history, and was withdrawn under severe criticism and rewritten. Even
in its present form it leaves much to be desired as a textbook,
omitting anything unfavorable to Japan's aggressive activities in Asia.
About a hundred American and Canadian school teachers go to Japan each
summer as "guests" of the Japanese Government. Upon their return many
of them become ardent exponents of Japan's cause.
The problem of
exclusion of alien Japanese having been solved, there remains now the
problem of their children, the Nisei as they are called. There are in
California today more than 50,000 of these American-born Japanese.
To add to their other disabilities and create suspicion against them,
Japan does everything in her power to bind the Nisei to herself,
despite the fact that they are American citizens. Koki Hirota, former
Foreign Minister of Japan, was quoted in the Long Beach (California)
Press Telegram of March 8, 1938, to the effect that:
They
[American-born Japanese] must receive American education. But they
remain Japanese and should be educated as Japanese in order to retain
their Japanese virtues. For this purpose the semiofficial Migration
Association keeps close connection with them.
American-born Japanese children have been, and still are being,
registered with the Japanese consulate at birth, with the result that
most of their number are now citizens of both countries -- American
citizens by birth and Japanese citizens by virtue of that registration
(New World Sun, May 30, 1939; Japanese American News, May 30, 1939, San
Francisco). These dual citizens are subject to military duty in Japan
and are under obligation to obey her in peace and in war. However, they
hold this dual status by choice, since they are free to expatriate
under Japanese law. Prior to 1924, Japan claimed as her citizens any
Japanese born anywhere in the world. Yielding in that year to criticism
against the dual citizenship of her nationals born in countries which
confer citizenship by birth, Japan enacted a law providing that any
Japanese born in such a country would not henceforth be claimed by her
as a subject, unless he declared within 14 days after birth, through
his legal representative, his intention to retain Japanese nationality.
The law also provides that any person so registered may abandon
Japanese nationality at will by giving simple notification, and may
also abandon it by notification if registered before 1924. The
provisions of this law have been largely ignored.
In spite of the fact that they have been free for 16 years to rid
themselves of their Japanese nationality, a large majority of the Nisei
have not done so. Expatriation campaigns have in the past apparently
brought small result.
The disinclination of the Nisei to expatriate may possibly be traced to
the influence of the Japanese-language schools to which practically all
Japanese children are sent after public-school hours, where they are
taught the language, culture, and Emperor worship of Japan. There are
248 of these schools in California, teaching about 18,000 children at a
cost to the Japanese community in 1939 of $398,000. These schools are
maintained under definite plans of the Overseas Education Institute of
Japan. A recent Tokyo dispatch stated that under a new law Japan will
strictly supervise such schools so that the "evils" attending their
operation will be eliminated. The purpose of such supervision will be
to inculcate in pupils the "patriotic" view of Japanese imperialist
policy.
Many young American-born Japanese children are sent to Japan to be
educated there from childhood to maturity. There are about 50,000 of
these children in Japan at the present time. Their return to the United
States, where they may use their American citizenship for the benefit
of Japan, is repeatedly urged by the Japanese Foreign Office. They are,
of course, practically alien Japanese when they return here, frequently
not even being able to speak English.
The Japanese Government finances
low-rate trips to Japan for students of impressionable age. A Japanese
agent travels through the Pacific Coast States yearly and makes
arrangements to take them to Japan in groups. Upon their return to this
country the members of these groups frequently engage in lecture tours
to spread a knowledge of Japan among their fellows. Trips to Japan are
offered as prizes in essay-writing contests, with Japan as the subject
of the essays. Money is lent to students wishing to attend the various
Japanese universities, entrance requirements having been eased for
them. Promising Nisei are called to Japan where they are trained and
then sent back to this country to spread Japanese propaganda.
The Nisei are urged by their leaders to take an active part in American
politics, since they have a voting bloc of about 25,600. They form
themselves into political clubs. They are also urged to vote en bloc
for measures and candidates favorable to the Japanese. The Japanese
American Citizens League has pledged its members to solidarity -- the
use of their ballots for the benefit of the Japanese generally.
On December 12, 1939, a columnist in the New World Sun of San
Francisco, in commenting upon the fact that the Japanese now have a
sizable bloc of votes in California, said:
A solid bloc of
25,000 votes is a factor which may decide in a close
election. Inasmuch as we are a minority group, it may be wise thing to
start making connections with those of other racial descendants, such
as the colored people and the Chinese, and so forth. A concerted drive
could then be launched to eliminate the numerous laws which have been
enacted based on color lines.
There are, of course, no laws in California based on color lines. The
laws referred to are the exclusion measure and the alien land laws,
which are based on ineligibility to citizenship and affect only
orientals. These laws are vital, protective laws, and have been enacted
by the American people for their own welfare. This same columnist wrote
in the New World Sun of August 18, 1940:
The voters of
oriental descent may number 25,000 Japanese and a few
thousand Chinese. But the colored people have close to 100,000 voters.
A coalition will be the formation of a powerful bloc. * * *
The activities of the Nisei in defeating a measure in the last (1939)
California State Legislature designed to curb espionage activities of
alien Japanese fishermen in southern waters, a measure vital to our
national defense, particularly at this critical time, are proof of the
supreme loyalty which the Nisei offer to Japan.
Walter Tsukamoto, national president of the Japanese-American Citizens
League, and a Reserve officer in the American Army, received in the
summer of 1940 the Yamagata award of the Japanese Young People's
Society of Chicago, as "The Nisei of the Year." His accomplishment?
"Brilliant generalship in sparking the drive against the anti-alien
bills (the fishing bill) introduced into the California Legislature. *
* *." This has apparently been even too much for some of the Japanese
themselves, for one of their commentators remarked:
Though we appreciate
the fact that his contributions to the welfare of
his own nationality are considerable, we are nevertheless of the
opinion that his endeavors, fine as they are, fail to contribute to any
appreciable degree in the development of America.
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