Source: NARA RG 331 Box
920; Mansell NARA #7
Paragraph breaks revised and paragraph headers modified for ease
of reading by Center for Research
STATE OF CALIFORNIA (State Seal)
City and County of San Francisco
JACK WILLIAM SCHWARTZ, being first duly sworn, deposes and says:
I am a Lieutenant Colonel in the United States Army, serial number
0-17823. I was born 12 December 1905 in Fort Worth, Texas, and
my permanent home address is 1700 - 6th Avenue, Fort Worth, Texas.
I entered the United States Army on 1 August 1928.
At the time of my capture by the Japanese forces in the Philippine
Islands, I was the Chief of Surgical Service, Bataan General
Hospital #2. My rank at that time was Lieutenant Colonel, having
received that promotion on 19 December 1941. I was captured at
Bataan General Hospital #2, which is situated 1 kilometer north
of Cabcaban, on 9 April 1942.
On the date of surrender of the Luzon forces, some Japanese officers
entered the hospital area at Bataan General Hospital #2 and gave
us instructions as to our future conduct in that area. We were
prohibited from using the water supply of the camp, except for
necessary drinking purposes, upon penalty of death. Japanese
military vandals immediately started dissecting our generator
which disturbed the power supply to the operating roam, so that
we were unable to use the operating room after dark.
Japanese order Filipino patients onto the Death March
The following day [10 April]
a Major Segeguchi, who was the senior Japanese surgeon
on Luzon, made his appearance in the hospital and advised that
all Filipino patients who were able to do so should leave the
hospital immediately. Somehow, word got through the hospital
area that these Filipinos were being transported back to Manila
and released there. Within the next 24
hours, 5500 of our 7000 patients left the hospital. Most of these
were recent post-operative cases, many of them having unfinished
amputations. There were innumerable fracture cases and gaping
superficial wounds. Practically all of these individuals succumbed
on the Death March out of Bataan.
We had evacuated all our nurses to Corregidor the night
before surrender, but one woman remained behind. She was the
American wife of a Filipino soldier, and had her child as a patient,
in the hospital. The day after surrender she was raped by two
Japanese soldiers in the officers' ward of the hospital. This
incident was reported to Major Segeguchi, but no action was ever
taken. Following this raping, we shaved her head and put her
in men's clothing; to the best of my knowledge, she was not molested
again. The Japanese forces moved down to the south tip of Luzon
[Tip of Bataan Peninsula] and set
up artillery positions completely encircling our hospital area,
and from these positions, fired on Corregidor. After a few days,
Corregidor returned the fire, and for the next three weeks we
were under constant fire from Corregidor. Most of the shells
were "overs" or "shorts," but there were
several casualties from the shell fragments that sprayed the
Hospital Shelled from Corregidor
On 29 April 1942, a salvo of 6-inch shells from Corregidor landed
in Ward 14 of the hospital, killing 5 patients and wounding about
12 others. The Japanese made quite an issue of this for propaganda
purposes, bringing newsreel photographers into the hospital area
to photograph the damage done. On 12 May 1942, Hospital #2 was
closed and all patients and personnel, except those American
prisoners who had recovered from their illnesses, were marched
to the area of Bataan General Hospital #1, which was at Little
Baguio. Those Americans who had recovered numbered about 700
and were left behind inclosed in a barbed wire; this area was
designated as a prison camp by the Japanese. [This
group may have been used to "clean" the battlefields
after the surrender of American Forces]
March to hospital #1 then trucked to Bilibid then to
On the march from #2 to #1 hospital, we witnessed the devastation
along the highway which had not yet been cleared. There were
many dead still lying in the ditches alongside the road. We remained
unmolested at Bataan General Hospital #1 until about 26 May 1942, and then were transported
by truck convoy to Bilibid Prison in Manila, which at that time
contained about 6000 American prisoners. For the next 3 days
we were confined in what had at one time been the prison hospital,
and slept on concrete flooring. On 30
May, we were moved to the town of Cabanatuan, in Nueva
Ecija Province, in metal boxcars with about 75 to 100 men crowded
into each boxcar. The heat was extreme, and many were near collapse
when we reached Cabanatuan. We were herded onto the highway and
marched about 2 kilometers to a provincial school yard, where
we spent the night lying on the ground. Sanitary facilities at
this camp site were horrible; other details had been there before
us and since practically everyone was at that time suffering
from dysentery, the ground was covered with feces and the flies
were terrible. The next morning we were herded out on the highway
again, told that we were to march 29 kilometers, and that anyone
dropping out of the column would he shot. We did march 14 kilometers
that day [31 May], to a camp
site which had previously been used by the Philippine Army, and
was known by us thereafter as Camp #2. Several, because of the
extreme heat and because of their weakened condition, did collapse
on this march, but they were not shot. Instead, they were beaten
with canes by the Japanese guards until they got back on their
feet and marched again.
Upon arrival at Camp #2 we were all extremely dehydrated, having
had no water since early that morning, but there was no water
supply at that camp. Many dug holes in the ground for moist earth
and sucked this earth for its moisture content. Later that evening
there was a shower which was life saving.
Move to Cabanatuan #1 on June 1st
The following morning we were again herded out on the road and
retraced our steps 5 kilometers to another Philippine Army camp
site, which was then known as Philippine Prison Camp #1. It was
on 1 June that we arrived
at this camp, and this is the date of organization of the camp.
The water supply here was also inadequate and we were forced
to line up to fill canteens, sometimes remaining in line as long
as two to three hours to get a canteen of water. We were issued
small quantities of rice in bulk and this was cooked by the individual
organizations which were set up. Our unit, what remained of the
original Bataan General Hospital #2 group, remained together.
The day after our arrival at this camp the first deaths began
to occur. Most of these were due to malaria, dysentery and exhaustion.
We persuaded the Japanese to designate an area at the south end
of camp as a cemetery, and we carried the bodies to this area
for burial. It was difficult to get volunteers to carry these
bodies because everyone was too weak to undertake the burden.
As a result, the bodies frequently lay around the different areas
of camp where they died until the stench became troublesome before
they were moved. About one week after our arrival at Camp #1,
truck loads of American survivors from Camp O'Donnell, which
had been the destination point for the Death March, began to
arrive. These people were in a much more deplorable condition
than the group already at Camp #1. Each truck load (about 40
prisoners were loaded to each truck) would bring in several dead
who died on the trip.
Cabanatuan Hospital established
On 9 June we persuaded the
Japanese that some hospital attention was essential for these
people, and they designated an area in the camp which was thereafter
known as a hospital area. Within the next few days we had 2400
sick American prisoners in the hospital area, with approximately
250 Medical Department personnel to look after them. The death
rate continued to rise, there being approximately 550 deaths
during the month of June and 783 deaths during the month of July,
following which they began to decline steadily. However, as late
as November and December, there were still approximately 250
deaths a month.
The cemetery was entirely inadequate in size for the number
of deaths in the camp, and although land was plentiful, we were
not granted an increase in the size of the plot.
Each day there would be a parade of the previous day's dead hoisted
on hand-made litters, each carried to the cemetery on the shoulders
of 4 relatively healthy prisoners. These bodies, most of whom
had no marks of identification, were dumped into common graves.
When the death rate ran between 30 and 40 a day, the size of
the graves was always inadequate and the prisoners who were detailed
to dig these graves were in such poor health that they were never
dug large enough. As a result, the bodies were heaped up above
the level of the ground and covered with earth which, during
the rainy season, was usually washed away during the night, and
the following morning when the grave detail would appear to dig
the next grave evidence would be found of bones and parts of
bodies that had been dragged around the vicinity by prowling
Shortly after the establishment of the camp, a camp farm was
begun. The Japanese called for between 1000 and 2000 prisoners
daily to work this farm. Since practically all of these prisoners
were suffering from disease, many deaths resulted from this enforced
labor. Periodically, I, as commanding officer, was ordered to
arbitrarily return [a] certain numbers of patients, numbering
as high as 500 on one occasion, to duty, to be used for farm
labor. Each time I remonstrated with the Japanese, trying to
impress them with the fact that sending these sick people to
work would result in their death, but on not one single occasion
was I ever able to alter their decision.
Contact with Underground & Guerillas
Shortly after the establishment of Camp #1 at Cabanatuan, contacts
were made with outside loyal civilian agencies by our outside
working parties in order to procure the necessary drugs, money
and food. This underground movement continued to flourish so
that almost a regular mail service was maintained between Manila
and the camp. Since detection by the Japanese would have resulted
in serious punishment for the participants, great care was taken.
Many of us received code names from the agencies in Manila and
were thereafter addressed in communications by our code names.
My code name was "Avocado."
Japanese seize 23 men for questioning
On about 1 May 1944, a batch of this underground mail was discovered
by the Japanese and what they considered the ring leaders were
immediately apprehended. A total of 23 prisoners were picked
up by the Kempai Tai and taken into the headquarters in the city
of Cabanatuan. Later, all but 10 of these were released. I was
included in the 10. We were kept in the Kempai Tai headquarters
for one week, undergoing torture daily, crowded into tiny, filthy
cells, in their effort to learn from us the civilians who were
involved in the underground. After one week, we were returned
to the prison camp and the 10 of us were segregated and placed
under guard for about a month on the edge of the camp. We were
never told what our sentence was but were led to believe that
we were to be executed. During this period of one month we sat
on benches under a shed during the daylight hours and lay on
the ground at night, at no time being permitted to converse with
one another. After a month of this we were moved into a small
guardhouse where we stayed for about two months longer, suffering
unbearable indignities. During this period we were permitted
to bathe twice under a hose, were forced to sit at attention
14 hours a day, the remaining 10 hours we were forced to lie
on the floor. Of the 10 who were forced to go through this punishment,
only 4 are still alive. The deaths in many instances of the others
resulting from this mistreatment. The group of 10 included: Capt.
Frank Tiffany, Chaplain's Corps; Capt. Jack Le Mire, Medical
Administrative Corps; Capt. Rex Aston, Medical Administrative
Corps; Lt. Colonel Edward C. Mack, Inf.; Capt. Baldwin; Mr. P.
D. Rogers, civilian; Mr. Fred Threatt; Capt. Robert P. Taylor,
Chaplain's Corps; Lt. Colonel Alfred C. Oliver, Chaplain's Corps;
and myself. Only the last 4 named are still living. Chaplain
Oliver, during this period, was struck over the back of the neck
with a rifle butt thereby sustaining a fractured cerebral spine
for which condition he has since been retired.
First Air Raid over Manila and move to Bilibid
On 24 September 1944 occurred
the first American airraid over Luzon, in the American drive
to the north. The Japanese immediately showed signs of great
excitement and made plans for the removal of all remaining prisoners
of war, who were still in the Philippines, to be moved to Japan.
On 19 October 1944, during
an airraid, I was moved in convoy with a large number of other
prisoners to Bilibid Prison Camp, in Manila, to await transportation
to Japan. About 500 prisoners who were too ill to make the trip
were left behind at Cabanatuan.
The Japanese were unable to get any shipping into Manila during
this period, and as a result we were left at Bilibid until 13 December 1944 before boarding
a prison ship. On that date, 1619 prisoners, the majority officers,
were marched from Bilibid to Pier 7, Manila, and forced to sit
on the pier during most of the day while a large number of Japanese
soldiers and civilians were loaded onto our prison ship. During
this period we were given no food or water. At dusk we were marched
aboard ship, divided into three groups, and forced down into
three holds. This ship was the "Oryoku Maru," a passenger
liner, and the holds were intended for baggage only.
The holds were very small, about 6 decks down, and the air
supply insufficient. About 600 of us were crammed into the forward
hold, and immediately began to experience air hunger and suffering
from the intense heat which was estimated to be about 135o F.
About 30 minutes after we were placed in the hold, one of the
officers suffering from asthma began to show signs of serious
respiratory embarrassment. This condition was brought to the
attention of the Japanese guards, who ignored him, and he died
within a few minutes. He was a Lieutenant Colonel Conaty of the
During the night, in the extreme darkness, many of the prisoners
became hysterical and irrational. Dehydration was extreme and
some became maniacal, going to the extremes of murdering their
companions and sucking blood from them. Others were seen to drink
their own urine. Constant yelling for help up the shaft to the
Japanese guards on duty brought no help. Early the following
morning we were subjected to bombing by American Naval bombers
and the ship received several direct hits. All that day waves
of bombers struck the ship and many bomb fragments entered the
holds, resulting in casualties amongst the American prisoners.
Later that afternoon of the 14th I was called on deck with three
other American medical officers to give medical treatment to
the Japanese wounded. The decks were littered with Japanese dead
and wounded, but since it was almost dusk and the Japanese would
not turn on the lights, we were not able to do much. After dark
we were run back down into the hold; the din there was terrific.
These people had received no food or water since boarding the
ship and many were dying from dehydration.
Oryoku Bombed and strafed
Early in the morning of the 15th, the Japanese informed us that
we were to evacuate the ship. Within a few minutes of this, however,
the American bombers reappeared and began their bombing attacks
again. One bomb dropped through the shaft of the rear hold, killing
about 200 of the prisoners. The ship was sinking about 250 yards
off shore of Olongapo, in Subic Bay. We dove overboard and swam
ashore. The Japanese had themselves evacuated the ship during
the night. They had machine guns set up on the shore, and were
firing at those of us in the water who were not swimming straight
for shore. Several who were unable to swim were caught in the
drift of the wreckage which they were holding and were shot down.
Moved to Olongapo Tennis Courts
We were assembled on the shore and marched to a singles concrete
tennis court on the reservation at Olongapo. There we remained
for 5 days, exposed to the direct rays of the sun during the
day and practically freezing at night. Only about one-third of
us had shoes, and many were completely in the nude.
The first day we were given nothing to eat and on the other
four days we were given a tablespoonful of uncooked rice a day.
There was one spigot in the tennis court which was our water
supply. The water pressure was low and the spigot only trickled.
There were about 1300 of us crowded onto this tennis court, and
we were forced to sleep in a semi-sitting position between the
legs of the individual behind. During this period also, the airraids
continued with targets in our immediate vicinity being bombed,
shelling us with bomb fragments. We had many wounded in our group
who had received their wounds on the ship. There was one Marine
enlisted man who had a wound through his elbow which resulted
in gangrene of his forearm. I pleaded with the Japanese several
times daily to evacuate this man, along with a number of other
wounded, to a hospital where he could receive medical attention.
This was always denied. I was forced to amputate this man's arm
without anesthesia, using a messkit knife and bandaging the stump
in a towel which someone had brought ashore. The Japanese
officer in charge of our detail was Capt. Toshino. Along
with him he had a Japanese civilian interpreter known as Mr.
Wada. These two men are directly responsible for all of the mistreatment
we had up to this time received and all that we were to receive
until our arrival in Japan. Several deaths occurred while we
were on the tennis court and these bodies were buried just outside
the tennis court.
Survivors moved to San Fernando Pampanga
After 5 days we were divided into two groups and taken by truck
convoy, 40 men crowded into each truck, to San Fernando Pampanga.
This move was made during an airraid. The group to which I was
assigned was locked in the provincial jail. The other group was
confined in the town cock pit. We remained here also for 5 days,
faring a trifle better. We were given cooked rice twice a day,
and had an adequate water supply. However, 3 or 4 deaths occurred
here also, and I am not familiar with what transpired at the
cock pit. While we were here, the Japanese brought in about 3
small crates of medical dressings and supplies, and we were able
to dress our wounded. On about the 3rd day that we were in San
Fernando, I was instructed by Mr. Wada to pick out my three sickest
patients and told that they would be moved by truck to a hospital.
I learned later that 12 others were similarly moved in the same
truck from the cock pit. No one has heard, to the best of my
knowledge, of these 15 patients since that time. [All
Moved to San Fernando La Union - arrive Christmas morning
On 24 December 1944, we joined
the group who were at the cock pit, and were marched to the railroad
station where we were crowded into boxcars -187 men crowded into
each of the undersized metal boxcars. We boarded this train at
0900 hours and were not told our destination. We traveled until
0200 hours the following Christmas morning, and arrived at San
Fernando La Union. During this period many were overcome by the
heat; we received no food or water during the trip, and the one
thing that saved the lives of many was the fact that these boxcars
had been subjected to airraids, and had many perforations in
them, through which we were able to get some ventilation. At
San Fernando La Union, we debarked and were forced to lie on
the station platform. After daylight we were assembled on the
road and marched to the edge of town where we were herded into
a school yard. There we had to dig for our water supply, but
were given small amounts of cooked rice twice that day, with
the declaration from the Japanese that "since it was Christmas
we were being fed better." That night [25
Dec] we were again herded out onto the road and marched
to the beach, about 4 kilometers over a coral road. Since most
of us were barefooted, we arrived at the beach with cut and bleeding
feet. There we remained for two days, exposed to the terrific
heat of the sun in the day and the very cold at night. About
6 prisoners died while we were on the beach.
The Second Hell Ship
On 27 December 1944, we were
placed aboard a Japanese freighter which had just unloaded a
shipment of horses. Horse manure and stalls cluttered the hold;
the flies were unbearable. About 20 of our most seriously wounded
patients were permitted to remain on the deck. I, with another
medical officer, was permitted to stay with them to care for
them. About two hours out of San Fernando, we were subjected
to a submarine attack, but two torpedoes fired at the ship were
detonated on the shore line instead. Following this attack, the
Japanese forced me and my patients into the hold. In this hold
we remained until 13 January 1945. Conditions that existed during
this period were indescribable. The death rate began to rise
to 10 to 20 a day; we were fed rice and water and sometimes a
thin soup once a day; the water was so apportioned that each
man received about 4 ounces of water daily. Everyone had dysentery
and hysteria began to manifest itself, especially in the nights.
The horror of the nights is beyond imagination. Mass hysteria
developed in the dark, and screaming and groaning was general.
The hold was divided into a lower section and an upper section.
The upper section consisted of a rim about 12 feet wide with
a large central aperture. In the darkness, many of the prisoners
in the upper section toppled over the edge onto those below.
Many were killed in this manner.
Takao Harbor, Formosa
We arrived in Takao, Formosa, on 30
December 1941, and remained at anchor in the bay.
Since the Japanese celebrate a long New Years holiday, practically
all the Japanese except our guards evacuated the ship until about
6 January 1945. During this time there were daily American airraids
over the city of Takao, and we were under constant apprehension
of the expected raid of the ships in the bay. On the 9th of January, the Japanese decided
that, we were overcrowded in our hold, and moved about 500 of
the prisoners into a forward hold of the ship.
Hell Ship bombed
Later that morning [9 January],
we were subjected to air attacks. Several small bombs hit the
rear of the ship, and one large bomb hit the water opposite the
forward hold, blowing the hold in. About 300 of the prisoners
who had been moved into that hold earlier that morning were killed.
Many more were wounded. Some of the fragments penetrated the
wall of the middle hold and killed about 20 additional in that
hold. We had no medical supplies or dressings, and could do nothing
for the wounded. The Japanese would not permit the medical officers
in the middle hold to enter the forward hold to treat the wounded
there. Many sustained compound fractures of the extremities and
I made a request for boards to be used as splints, which was
About three days after the bombing, a group of Japanese Medical
Department personnel came aboard the ship and entered the middle
hold in which I was, treating our minor wounds, but they stated
they could do nothing for the more seriously injured; they did
not even enter the forward hold, and left us a few dressings.
During this time we were unsuccessful in receiving permission
to dispose of our dead, and the number who were killed in the
raid, combined with those who had died of disease who were still
on the ship, numbered about 500. Some of these had been dead
for 4 or 5 days and the stench was terrific.
Bodies finally removed from hold; moved to 3rd Hell Ship
On 13 January 1945, a barge
drew alongside the ship, and the bodies were hoisted out of the
hold on a net onto the barge. These dead were taken ashore and
were supposedly buried in a common grave. The ship had received
several jagged holes and was shipping water, so on 13
January, we were removed and transferred to another
small freighter, and again placed in a single hold. We sailed
that night. For the next 17 days we remained in the hold of this
ship with conditions even more adverse than on the previous ship.
As we sailed north, the weather became extremely cold, and that
was added to our misfortunes. Many of the prisoners died of freezing.
Very little of the clothes could be salvaged from the dead because
of its extremely filthy condition, and we had no access to even
sea water to wash the clothes. The death rate rose to around
30 a day; we were permitted to throw our dead overboard once
a day. We had several small buckets to take care of waste, but
almost all the prisoners were too weak to reach these buckets,
and the deck was covered with feces. During this time, there
developed a barter between the prisoners who might possess any
valuables and the Japanese guards. For a West Point ring could
be procured an empty rice sack or a canteen of water. Anyone
who possessed anything of value eventually traded it for either
rice sacks, water, or occasionally Japanese cigarettes.
Arrival at Moji
We arrived in Moji, Japan, in bitter cold weather on 30 January 1945. After arrival in
Moji, several officials of the Japanese quarantine service boarded
the ship and I was ordered by Mr. Wada to appear before them
to be questioned. As I entered the captain's cabin, I was slapped
around a bit for the ungentlemanly appearance I presented. This,
after seven weeks without a bath, shave, or even sufficient water
for washing hands. I denied to the quarantine officials that
we had any communicable disease aboard because I feared that
we would be isolated aboard ship if the officials knew the conditions
that existed in the hold. We were cleared for debarkation, but
prior to that we were forced to march on deck in single file,
stripped down to the nude in the freezing weather, and don Japanese
woolen clothing which was issued us there. One man dropped dead
at my feet while I was changing clothes. Lt. Colonel William
D. North, Medical Corps, who was standing next to me at the time,
can confirm this. We were then marched across the street to an
old theater building where the roll was called and we were divided
into four groups. I was previously told to select approximately
120 of the sickest patients, who would be sent to a hospital.
As near as I can remember, there were 556 prisoners disembarked
at Moji. While we were in the theater building, six of these
died. Ambulances soon arrived and took away the very sick group.
The remainder of us were marched in three columns to the railroad
station, about 1 kilometer, between jeering Japanese civilians.
Transport to Fukuoka #1
There the group to which I was assigned, consisting of 193 men,
was placed in coaches and taken to Fukuoka, from where we were
transported by truck to Fukuoka Prisoner of War Camp #1. There
we were placed in unheated barrack buildings, aligned on wooden
platforms with central gravel surfaces. These buildings were
unheated and were bitter cold. We were each given a heavy woolen
overcoat (all of them being of British or American manufacture)
and 5 "ersatz" Japanese blankets. In the next 30 days,
53 of our group of 193 died. Although there were approximately
500 relatively healthy British, American and Dutch prisoners
in the camp who were eager to nurse our sick, the Japanese refused
to permit this. We were isolated and forced to take care of our
own. About 75 per cent of our group on arrival were unable to
get on their feet, and the remainder rendered a 24-hour nursing
service in shifts, carrying buckets to take care of body waste.
The food in this camp was insufficient and poorly balanced. We
made a plea to the Japanese officials for nutritious food for
a short period in order to give us an opportunity to regain our
strength. There were a large number of Red Cross food packages
at the camp, and an issue of these would have been lifesaving
in many instances. Ultimately, we were able to receive one package
for every three men. The Japanese refused to give us more, with
the statement that "Americans made hogs of themselves"
when more food was issued, and that we would "get sick"
if we ate more.
On one occasion, a delegation of Japanese officers arrived to
consult with our senior medical officers relative to our welfare.
We made several recommendations, mostly pertaining to the diet,
but all were disallowed. One of the Japanese officers stated
that he felt that soup made from bone marrow would be to our
benefit, and that he would daily have a shipment of bones sent
in from a neighborhood slaughterhouse. The following day we did
receive a shipment of bones, but that was the only occasion.
There developed between some of the prisoners and some of the
Japanese guards a barter system, and a few of the prisoners were
able to purchase additional food from these guards. On one occasion,
Major A. A. Roby, Veterinarian Corps, was able to purchase a
squid, but was caught by another Japanese guard [as he was] cooking
this squid. He was confined for several days in the guardhouse
without blankets and when released had a severe edema of both
legs, as a result of the exposure to the cold. Most of the guards
were not too troublesome, but there were a few, whose names I
cannot give, who beat prisoners with very little provocation.
One of the Japanese interpreters, who was an enlisted man in
the Japanese Army, was exceptionally brutal and was reputed to
have beaten two or three prisoners to death before our arrival
in this camp. (Katsura)
Death of FDR
Sometime in April 1945 we were herded out of our barracks in
the middle of the night and assembled in the assembly area. Altogether,
there were approximately 700 prisoners in this group. This interpreter
then mounted a platform and informed us that President Roosevelt
had died, and that we had been assembled there to celebrate his
death. We were forced to sing songs for about two hours in the
bitter cold weather. Japanese guards wandered through our midst,
beating those who would not sing.
There were four doctors in the camp when we arrived; two Dutch,
one British, and one American. The American medical officer was
Capt. Walter A. Kostecki, who had been in the camp for some time,
and who was well aware of the many brutalities. There were a
number of Dutch prisoners in the camp, and one of the Dutch doctors,
Lt. Fritz De Wijn, who was especially helpful to us when we arrived
because of his interest and professional ability, also had a
number of Dutch patients. One of these had sometime previously
frozen both feet while working in a mine at another camp. For
many months he had lain in this camp with all of the flesh off
both feet, sloughed away. There were no surgical facilities in
the camp and none of the doctors on duty there were qualified
as surgeons. Dr. De Wijn asked me to amputate the feet of this
patient, and I did so, using carpenter tools.
Moved to Fukuoka then steamer to Fusan Korea
On 23 April 1945 we were
told that we were being moved to another camp in Korea, and on
that day we were marched about 6 kilometers into the town of
Fukuoka and placed aboard an inter-island steamer, along with
a large group of other prisoners from other camps, who were destined
for other camps in Korea and Manchuria. In our group there were
140 of our original group, plus 10 British officers. We boarded
the inter-island steamer after dark and had been aboard only
a short time when an airraid signal was sounded. We were immediately
herded off the boat and forced to lie down on the dock, where
we remained the remainder of the night with the rays of a large
search light directed on us. For most of this period we could
hear the roar of distant planes. In the morning [24
April]we were again placed aboard ship, fed, and got
under way, arriving in Fusan, Korea, that afternoon. [Major Smothers, father of the noted Smothers
Brothers comedy team of the 1960's and 1970's, died on this steamer
during tranist to Korea.]
Train from Fusan [Pusan] to Jinsen [Inchon;
Chosan POW Camp #1]
Our group was then placed aboard a train in coaches and for the
next 36 hours were under way, well treated and well fed, until
we arrived [26 April] at
Chosen Prisoner of War Camp #1 at Jinsen, Korea. In that camp
there were only 20 British enlisted men who had remained behind
as a caretaking detachment when a larger group of British prisoners
had shortly before been moved from that camp to another. We were
placed in a large, well constructed frame barrack building and
were there fed better than at any of our previous camps. The
Japanese camp officials, on the whole, were more friendly than
any we had previously encountered.
One Japanese officer, the medical officer, I knew him as Dr.
Yamaguchi or Miraguchi, was an extreme sadist and on many occasions
severely beat American prisoners. Lt. Colonel Carl Engelhart,
Coast Artillery Corps, was once apprehended trying to read a
Japanese newspaper. The following morning at roll call he was
called out of ranks by the Japanese doctor, and for about 30
minutes was severely beaten and kicked, sustaining a ruptured
eardrum and many lacerations about the head and neck. As medical
officer, I was assigned to look after the prisoners, and had
to work under this Japanese doctor. Although there were a large
number of American Red Cross medical supplies in the camp, he
gave me practically none. Each day I was issued a piece of gauze
about 1 foot square with which to do approximately 50 dressings.
Two officers died while we were in this camp, both of amoebic
dysentery, and I made many requests before their death for amoebecides,
but was always refused. About three weeks before the Japanese
surrender, this officer disappeared from camp and was not seen
There were a number of older officers in our midst. They had
all lost their glasses, and I made several written and oral requests
to the Japanese camp commander that they be given an opportunity
to procure new glasses. I was told that all lens were being used
only by the Japanese army, and that there were no facilities
for procuring new glasses. However, about a week after the surrender,
an optical shop was discovered only a block from the camp, and
all those who desired glasses got them immediately. Also, when
several of our prisoners were seriously ill, I made the request
that they be moved to a hospital but was told that the nearest
hospital was in Keijo [Seoul] and that it was for Japanese
patients only. However, following the surrender, American B-29s
dropped food supplies into the camp, and one of the drums of
food struck one of our prisoners and broke his leg. The Japanese
showed great concern then and immediately had him moved to a
large, fairly well equipped hospital in the city of Jinsen.
In all camps in which I was a prisoner the Japanese followed
a policy of permitting an American organizational setup to administer
the camp under their supervision. At Cabanatuan, after the camp
was well organized, Lt. Colonel Curtis T. Beecher, Marine Corps,
was the camp commander because of his seniority. He accompanied
our group to Japan and to Korea, and was likewise the American
camp commander in Jinsen. At Fukuoka Camp #1, there was a slightly
different arrangement, the prisoner control being exercised by
a British Sergeant, James by name, although there were a number
of British officers in the camp.
We were liberated by American Occupational Forces who arrived
in Jinsen on 9 September 1945.
At that time we were questioned by a representative officer regarding
atrocities in that camp. I gave testimony at that time regarding
only the Japanese doctor. When I arrived in Manila I was questioned
again at the Replacement Depot #29 on or about 18 September 1945,
at which time I gave testimony relative only to the trip from
Manila to Japan.
Summary of Japanese Camp Commanders
The first Japanese camp commander at Cabanatuan whom I can recall
was Lt. Colonel Mori. He remained there until about November
1942, and was replaced by Major Iwanaka, who was commanding officer
of the camp until about July 1944, when he was replaced by a
Major Takasaki. For most of the duration of the camp at Cabanatuan,
Capt. Toshino was the executive officer. The Japanese medical
officers at one time or another who were at the camp were: Lt.
Tamura; Lt. Konishi, who relieved him about September 1942; and
Lt. Suehira, who in turn relieved Lt. Konishi in about November
1942, and remained there thereafter. One other medical officer
who frequently made visits to the camp, who was very unsympathetic
and denied us many essential request was a Capt. Nogi, whose
headquarters were at Bilibid in Manila.
The officers at Fukuoka Camp #1, I cannot recall by name. The
commanding officer who was most brutal was a lieutenant who had
risen from the ranks because of bravery in the China War. He
had been wounded, so we were informed, and was then relieved
from active duty and placed in command of this prison camp. The
interpreter, previously referred to, was reputed to have spent
a number of years in the United States, and was heard to make
the statement on several occasions that he had been a chauffeur
for the president of one of the larger American corporations,
which I think was either U.S. Steel Corporation or General Motors
Corporation. The commanding officer of the camp in Jinsen was
Lt. Colonel Okazaki, and his executive officer was a Capt. Isobe,
both of whom treated us well.
Lt. Tamura was about 32 years of age, weighed about 125 pounds,
height 5 feet 4 inches, wore glasses, spoke English fairly well,
was a morphine addict, easily excited and quite nervous. Lt.
Konishi was about 28 years old, approximate weight 135 pounds,
about 5 feet 3 inches in height, stocky, spoke English very well,
interested in orthopedics and was reputed to have a clinic in
Kobe, Japan, with his father who was also a doctor; he also wore
glasses. Lt. Suihira was about 30 years old, weight 150 pounds,
5 feet 3 inches, moderately obese, wore heavy myopic lens, spoke
English fairly well, was of low mental caliber with a very poor
medical education. Capt. Nogi was about 33 years of age, weighed
about 120 pounds, was tall for a Japanese, about 5 feet 7 inches,
and slender, having the appearance of being consumptive, wore
glasses, spoke English fluently, had an excellent medical training,
with a very disarming personality who appeared quite intelligent
and friendly when he so desired. Lt. Colonel Mori was about 5
feet 5 inches tall, 140 pounds, broad-chested, wore glasses and
was an old-time regular army officer, about 55 years of age.
Major Iwanaka was a shriveled up, old regular army officer, age
about 62 years, height 5 feet, weight about 100 pounds, very
poor teeth, wore glasses, spoke in a high-pitched voice but could
not speak English. Capt. Toshino was a Prussian-type individual,
with close cropped hair, wore glasses, was larger than the average
Japanese, with erect bearing, carried a swagger stick, dressed
neatly, age about 45 years, height about 5 feet 7 inches, weight
about 155 pounds, spoke English poorly, and was very military.
Mr. Wada spoke English very poorly for an interpreter in a high-pitched,
excitable voice, wore glasses, age about 45 years, weight about
115 pounds, height about 5 feet 2 inches, hunchbacked and round-faced.
Dr. Miraguchi was about 32 years old, 5 feet 6 inches tall, weight
about 145 pounds, very military, always wore highly polished
boots, did not wear glasses, had a long face with an evil glint
in his eyes. General Morimoto, the inspecting officer out of
Manila who visited the camp at Cabanatuan about once a month,
and whom we believed to be the Department Quartermaster, was
about 55 years of age, well nourished, wore glasses, weighed
about 160 pounds, about 5 feet 5 inches tall, and moon-faced.
Major Saguguchi was a regular army Japanese medical officer,
about 47 years old, weight about 145 pounds, about 5 feet 6 inches
tall, wore glasses, had a moustache, spoke English fairly well,
and was very military in bearing.
The foregoing constitutes all my present, knowledge of the
above described incidents and conditions.
(signed) Jack W.Schwartz
JACK WILLIAM SCHWARTZ, Lt. Col. USA
Subscribed and sworn to before me this 21st day of November
1946, at Presidio of San Francisco, Calif.
Fred Gustaff?, Major, MI., Summary Court
Interviewed by: James H. Hutchison, Spec/Agt, CIC, 6th Army.
CHECK LIST for Col. Schwartz
April 9, 1946
1. Date of your arrival at:
Fukuoka #1 30 Jan. 1945.
2. Please state its exact location if possible, or if this
cannot be done, please describe its location with reference to
other cities or prominent land marks.
On the East coast of Northern Kyushu about 3 miles north of the
city of Fukuoka. The camp was on the sea coast.
3. When was camp first occupied by prisoners of war? Were
the first occupants Americans, British, Dutch or Australians?
4. Number of Americans in your group and name of senior American
There were 193 Americans in the group with me. 53 of these died
in the next three mos. There were approx. 250 Americans already
in the camp when we arrived.
Col. Curtis L. Beecher, USMC.
Col. Arthur Shreve, GSC.
Col. Irvin Alexander, Inf.
5. Please give figures on personnel in this camp to the best
of your knowledge. Your own group should be included in these
Americans: Approx. 450
Army: Approx. 250
Navy: Approx. 30
Marines: Approx. 20
Civilians: Approx. 150
British: Approx. 200
Dutch: Approx. 50
Any other nationality: Unknown
Total: Approx. 700
6. Names and titles of Japanese camp officials.
Camp Commander. Camp doctor. Civilian Camp interpreter. Names
7. Please describe the condition of the following facilities:
1. Number of barracks:
2. Size of barracks:
Approx. 80 ft. by 30 ft.
3. Type of construction:
Wooden low slung.
4. Type of roof:
5. Type of floor:
6. Type of interior construction:
Central sand walkway with elevated mat covered wooden platforms
on either side for sleeping. No heating arrangement.
About 4 large latrines within 50 ft. of barracks.
Septic tank. About 12 cubicles in each latrine with a straddle
aperture in the wooden floor. Urinal trough in each latrine.
One bath house situated about the middle of the camp.
Japanese type large wooden, metal floored tubs. Water heated
under the tubs. Common bathing. 6 men squeezed into each tub
in relays. Water extremely filthy after the first few relays
4 tubs. Each tub about 300 gal. capacity.
Once central wooden kitchen from which each barracks drew its
food at meal time in wooden buckets, the amount varying with
the barracks census. Brick wood-heated stoves. Cooking done in
flat iron cauldrons.
2. Amount of food:
Very insufficient. Approx. 1500 calories.
Prepared by British POW cooks. Very unpalatably prepared.
Rice and "Daikon" (a radish-like Jap vegetable) were
the staples of diet. Occasionally some other vegetable and possibly
once a week a small amount of dried fish or meat was added to
the soup. The last month I was there small bread buns were issued
the sick in lieu of rice.
e. Medical attention and type of hospital:
A dispensary operated by a British doctor, 2 Dutch doctors and
one American doctor under the supervision of the Camp Jap Medical
Officer was present. A small barrack building with a capacity
of about 15 was used as a hospital. ARC drugs and surgical supplies
were issued in very limited amounts. No operating room was available.
f. Size of compound and type of fence:
Approx. 1000 ft. x 300 ft. Barbed wire fence.
8. Type of work performed by prisoners of war.
The British officers (about 30) worked on the camp farm. The
only American officers were in our group who were too ill to
b. Enlisted men:
The civilians (captured on Wake Island) worked on a Jap air field.
The enlisted men worked on camp police and various projects outside
camp (all menial labor).
9. What were the working conditions?
Fair. Outside details took their lunch rice with them and hot
soup was delivered at noon. The work was not too strenuous.
10. Describe the conditions and restrictions on the sending
and receiving of mail.
No mail was received by us while at the Fukuoka camp. We were
permitted to send a ten word message about once a month.
11. How much were the prisoners of war paid?
50 yen a month.
b. Enlisted men:
Varied with rank -- approx. 10 sen a day.
12. Number of Red Cross parcels received and dates received.
One Red Cross parcel issued our group a few days after arrival
for each three men.
13. Clothing situation
a. What was issued by the Japanese and dates?
Overcoat -- night of arrival. 6 blankets -- night of arrival.
Japanese army woolen uniform and underwear -- day of arrival.
14. How was your treatment?
This is the worst camp in which I was imprisoned. The Jap camp
commander and a Jap soldier interpreter were sadists. There were
many instances of brutality and unwarranted beatings and confinements
in the unheated guard house in zero weather. The guards were
15. How was morale?
16. What were the religious facilities?
A Church of England POW was the only chaplain in camp. He was
permitted to hold periodic services.
17. Date of departure from this camp?
About 25 April 1945.
18. Number of Americans in this group?
19. Conditions en route and names of towns through which you
Hiked from camp to dock in Fukuoka in bitterly cold weather and
spent the night thru and air raid huddled on the pier. By boat
from Fukuoka to Fusan, Korea, under fair traveling conditions.
From Fusan to Jinsen by train -- traveled in chair cars and were
fed well during the trip.
Chosen POW Camp #1, Jinsen, Korea.
21. A rough sketch of the camp's layout showing the approximate
size of the buildings. Please make sketch on reverse side of
22. Name, rank and address of other officers or enlisted men
who can furnish information concerning this prisoner of war camp.
Col. Curtis L. Beecher, USMC -- Address unknown.
Lt. Col. N.D.S. Saunders, British Army, c/o Westminster Bank,
Ltd., 6 Tothill St., London, S.W. 1
Major Gerald Moxon, British Army, Openwood, Tilford, Farnham,
23. Your name, rank, serial number, organization and home
Jack W. Schwartz, 0-17823, Colonel, Medical Corps
1700 6th Ave., Ft. Worth, TX
on duty at Walter Reed General Hospital, Washington, D.C.
NOTE: Any other information which in your opinion will be
of interest to this office should be placed on the reverse side
of the check list.
The group with which I arrived at the Fukuoka Camp were part
of the survivors of a trip from Manila which had consumed 7 horrible
weeks. We left Manila 13 Dec. 1944 with 1619 American POWs and
arrived in Japan (Moji) 30 Jan. 1945 with 556, about 300 of these
survivors subsequently dying. En route we were bombed and sunk
by American planes at Olongopo, Luzon and again bombed at Takao,
Formosa, finally arriving in Japan aboard a third ship. About
500 of the deaths en route were due to starvation, dehydration,
dysentery, exhaustion and freezing due to the horrible conditions
under which we were forced to travel. All responsibility for
these deaths can be placed on the Jap officers who were in charge;
a Capt. Toshino and a civilian Jap interpreter, a Mr. Wada. [See the trial proceedings for these men (67Mb PDF).] After
arrival in Moji we were divided into 4 groups; the group to which
I was assigned consisting of 193 men, was taken by train to Fukuoka
Camp #1. All of this group was in terrible physical condition
and 53 died in the next three months, due to improper medical
facilities and poor diet.
[map of Fukuoka Camp #1 (not in file)]